Eleven:
Making a Western Living
A
Strategy for Diversification
Some
visitors to the Calgary
Olympics apparently expected
to confirm that Albertans
are for the most part either
cowboys or oil wildcatters.
In fact the 1986 national
census indicates that only
about 100,000 persons in
a work force of 1.2 million
in Alberta are employed
in basic agriculture and
oilfield work: less than
ten percent. Contrary to
another common myth, only
29,000 British Columbians
work directly in forestry
or logging in an active
work population of 1.4 million
persons. In Saskatchewan,
which is still occasionally
thought of in terms of wheat
alone, only 88,310 of a
500,000-person work force
are involved directly in
the primary sector of agriculture.
In Manitoba, the most diversified
western economy, the largest
single industry grouping
is currently "manufacturing,"
with 66,000 persons in a
work force of 542,000.
Over two-thirds
of all Westerners today
are in service occupations
and these are increasingly
of a professional nature.
The
Historical Perspective
During
the "frontier period" between
1870 and 1900, the major
source of economic development
in the West was the relocation
process itself. Furs were
no longer the dominant export
by 1870, but even though
a little export grain left
Manitoba during the 1870’s,
wheat was not yet an important
regional staple on the Prairies.
In British Columbia, gold
had quickly petered out
and the age of forest products
had not yet come. In such
circumstances, expanding
Canada’s frontiers massively
beyond the St. Lawrence
valley was a brilliant and
courageous policy regardless
of whether Sir John A. Macdonald’s
dominant motive was to use
the settlement process as
an engine of growth for
Central Canada or to develop
the potential of the West.
From
the beginning, Ottawa policy-makers
saw grain exports and ranching
in prairie Canada and mining
in British Columbia as the
major future economic activities
of our region. In an era
when agriculture was the
dominant occupation of Canadians
everywhere, western development
along these lines was seen
as essential both in attracting
immigrants to Canada, and
in eventually providing
the exports which would
allow Canada to continue
to attract the investments
from Britain and elsewhere
which had helped to develop
both Atlantic and Central
Canada before Confederation.
Some
large subsidies were provided
by Ottawa for the opening
of the West, including the
free homesteads modelled
on the earlier American
experience and publicity
spread throughout the continent
of Europe. Cash subsidies
paid to the Canadian Pacific
Railway for completing its
continental line were alone
so large by the standards
of the day that they pushed
the debt charges of our
new country to a third of
total revenues by the early
1890s. High protective tariffs
which began in 1879 to maximize
the benefits of frontier
settlement to eastern businesses
were a key feature of the
package of policies which
became known as the National
Policy, which endured essentially
unchanged until the Great
Depression in 1930. In practice,
there was little western
growth anywhere until 1898
because the combination
of declining wheat prices
and high rail transportation
costs in the West discouraged
most immigrants from homesteading.
As late as 1891, less than
two percent of the world’s
wheat production came from
Western Canada.
Several
factors moved dramatically
in the West’s favour after
1898. The region’s population
more than tripled between
1891 and 1911, during what
became known as the Laurier
boom. Other developments
included a drop in the cost
of moving grain to Europe,
advancements in dry-farming
techniques, the closing
of the American homestead
frontier, and the economic
pressures on farmers in
various European countries
which caused many to emigrate
to Western Canada. In response
to western political pressure,
the Laurier government agreed
to build two new continental
rail lines, and these provided
a boost to western coal
mining and construction.
Urban centres sprang up
to serve adjacent farm communities.
Saskatoon -- which did not
even exist in 1891 -- had
a population of 12,000 by
1911, and Winnipeg, with
25,000 people in 1891, had
become the third largest
city in Canada by 1911 with
130,000 people. Vancouver
reached a population of
100,000 by 1911 although
it was founded only in 1886.
Economic growth on the coast
occurred mainly in the forest,
fishing and mining sectors
and, interestingly, 70%
of British Columbia’s forest
products during these years
were sold to the booming
construction industry on
the Canadian prairies.
Before
1911, few Westerners anywhere
questioned the dominant
role afforded to wheat farmers
by Ottawa through such initiatives
as the Crow’s Nest freight
rate even if in practice
they retarded diversification
of the prairie economy.
In grain marketing, for
example, Parliament enacted
before World War I a number
of measures to redistribute
grain profits from the railways,
large grain elevator companies
and other middlemen, but
did little to diversify
the regional economy. As
the economic historian Doug
Owram puts it, the adjustments
made in favour of the West
by the Laurier government
before 1911 "could be made
only within the general
framework of the National
Policy. When the government
did attempt in 1911 to modify
the National Policy by means
of a reciprocity agreement
with the United States,
it was defeated by a combination
of economic self-interest
emanating from manufacturing
circles in Ontario and nationalistic
concern about American influence
over Canada."
The
1911 election -- which ended
with the two parties changing
places, the Conservatives
winning 134 seats to the
Liberals’ 85 produced a
divided West on the matter
of trade with our southern neighbour, something which
even Westerners frequently
forget today.
The
combination of investments
being repatriated to Britain
in anticipation of the outbreak
of World War I, falling
wheat prices, and rising
freight costs caused a recession
throughout Western Canada
between 1912 and 1915. The
weakened farm sector soon
created collapsing real
estate prices and growing
unemployment in western
cities and towns, but a
boom in the region returned
with the fresh demand for
food, metals and timber
during World War!. Thousands
of new prairie farms were
established between 1916
and 1921, and another period
of long-term western prosperity
seemed assured.
The
clouds on the horizon were
those over the two new transcontinental
railways, the Grand Trunk
Pacific and Canadian Northern,
both of which were teetering
on the edge of bankruptcy.
In desperation, the Robert
Borden government finally
nationalized them in 1918.
From that day until the
present, prairie farmers
have sought not rail expansion,
but maintenance of the branch-line
system already in place.
An
economic bust in the West
followed Armistice Day.
Unemployment in British
Columbia soared to more
than 14%. Deep-seated western
complaints against Ottawa
resulted in 64 seats for
the Progressive Party in
the 1921 federal election,
39 from Western Canada,
on the basis of the need
for a New National Policy
largely written by the Canadian
Council on Agriculture.
The movement’s short-lived
electoral success demonstrated
that Westerners, particularly
farmers, did not feel they
were being treated justly
in Confederation.
The
regional population of the
West grew from 598,000 in
1900 to nearly three million
by the end of the 1920s.
Agriculture accounted in
1927-29 for 55% of the net
value of production for
the four western provinces.
British Columbia received
almost 80% of its net production
value from primary resources
and agriculture, forestry,
fish and furs. Even in Manitoba,
many of the manufacturing
and service jobs were dependent
on a healthy primary sector.
In short, the region’s dependence
on a few primary resources
was becoming ominous.
The
West led the rest of Canada
into the worst depression
in modem history. Wheat
prices had been dropping
since 1926 and the amount
of unsold Canadian wheat
reached 91 million bushels
in 1928. No. 1 Northern
wheat, worth $1.51 a bushel
in 1925, collapsed to as
low as 34 cents in 1933.
Drought, hail, grasshoppers
and diseases ruined millions
of acres of prairie throughout
the thirties. Realized net
farm income dropped from
$363 million in 1928 to
an astonishing minus $10.7
million three years later.
Many western farmers had
taken on large loans to
expand their production
during the 1920s, and even
keeping their farms became
difficult for many of them.
Collapses
in the farm sector were
quickly followed by many
elsewhere in the West; the
provincial governments themselves
were near bankruptcy from
relief payments. Generally
speaking, the less reliant
a district was on wheat
the less it suffered. British
Columbia’s economic position
actually improved relative
to the rest of Canada and
its per capita income remained
in the top two of all provinces
throughout the 1930’s. Saskatchewan,
on the other hand, the most
populous and wealthy western
province during the 1920’s,
became the poorest in the
1930s and out-migration
grew sharply.
Many
thousands of western families
were completely ruined by
the twin calamities of the
economy and the climate.
The impact of this tragedy
was exacerbated by the long-cherished
western view that our region
was the central economic
fly-wheel for the entire
country, as it had been
since 1900, and considerable
bitterness evolved toward
whatever or whomever had
allowed western ruination.
New political parties and
solutions sprang up. Relief
costs for the government
of Saskatchewan had, by
1937, reached $62 million,
more than the total revenues
of the province.
Prime
Minister King appointed
the Rowell-Sirois Commission
in 1937 to examine the situation,
and it quickly became a
lightning rod for western
discontent. The briefs of
all four western governments
displayed an amazing similarity
of concern. Oppressive national
policies were seen as aggravating
large regional differences
in standards of living.
The rail freight rates,
natural resource control
and the protectionist tariffs
were cited as evidence of
deliberate unfairness created
by Ottawa. One of the more
bizarre responses by the
King government was to raise
tariffs in order to protect
a sagging domestic market,
but in the late 1930s the
vulnerability of a western
economy dependent on a few
export products. primarily
wheat, led Western Canada
for the first time to talk
seriously about the need
for diversification. No
real consensus was reached
on how to achieve it, but
even the discussion of it
showed how desperate Westerners
had become.
The
return of adequate rains
and wartime prosperity in
the West masked some changes
from earlier patterns. For
decades, regional prosperity
had depended on the state
of the western agricultural
sector, but a new and expanded
manufacturing base in Central
Canada became the driving
force of the post-war national
economy. Agriculture was
by the mid-1950s clearly
no longer capable of providing
general prosperity to Westerners
for various reasons, including
U.S. farm export subsidies
which cut into traditional
Canadian markets. More than
200,000 prairie farm families
left the land between 1936
and 1961. In the mid-1950’s,
increasing numbers of Westerners
began to urge Ottawa to
divert industrial development
from Central Canada in the
interest of regional justice.
Others, accepting the staples
theory, called for the processing
and upgrading of all primary
products in the region.
Manufacturing, much of it
related to the primary products
of forestry, fishing and
mining, began so quickly
in British Columbia that
by 1951 more than 70,000
British Columbians were
employed in that sector.
Alberta’s
population grew slowly until
oil was discovered at Leduc
and Redwater in 1947. By
1961, the oil and gas boom
had almost doubled Alberta’s
population to well over
a million. Capital flooded
in with the new residents,
and the general prosperity
allowed the provincial government
to build a good infrastructure
of schools, roads, and hospitals.
By 1960 in Alberta the mining
sector, which included oil
and gas, was well ahead
of agriculture in terms
of its contribution to the
provincial economy. Saskatchewan’s
dependence on wheat continued
until the late 1950’s only
because it lacked an alternative.
A potash, uranium and oil
production boom hit the
province in the mid-1960’s
and by 1966 a series of
wheat and other sales to
China saw Saskatchewan farmers
regain for the first time
since the 1920s the leading
economic growth in the country.
Manitoba’s mix of agriculture
and manufacturing provided
stability in the 1950s,
but at the price of a decline
in both output and per capita
income and the province’s
share of the national population.
During the 1960’s, Western
Canada was briskly dividing
into two "have" and two
"have-not" provinces.
Urbanization
in all four provinces, which
occurred at somewhat different
rates and intervals, had
a very significant effect
on the regional economy.
British Columbia was more
urban than rural as early
as 1931. Manitoba was 64
percent urban by the mid-fifties,
and Alberta became more
urban than rural sometime
between 1951 and 1956. Saskatchewan
did not become predominantly
urban until the 1960s. The
creation of new service
jobs in all four provinces
closely paralleled this
process.
In
the early 1970s, the marketable
oil and gas in three of
the four western provinces
allowed the region to reassert
itself as the motor of national
prosperity. As Doug Owram
stresses, "the concept of
growth is, however, deeply
imbedded within the western
tradition." The subsidy
created by Ottawa for consumers
of oil after 1973 was seen
by many Westerners as an
attempt to deflect western
prosperity to Central Canada.
The conflict was again clear:
maximizing western potential
for the western region versus
using western resources
for Central Canada’s purposes.
Westerners insisted the
presence of natural resources
must bring a high degree
of related processing in
our region.
The
Regional Economy Today
The
western and northern economies
today still depend heavily
on natural resources, and
we are as sensitive about
them as other Canadians
are about language issues.
Many of us are still actively
involved in the exploitation
of resources or in their
transportation, marketing
or distribution. Even more
of us in the service sectors
depend on resources for
part of our livelihoods.
The
governments of all four
western provinces are aggressively
seeking a greater role in
the international economy.
British Columbia has opened
five new offices abroad;
Alberta has five; Saskatchewan,
four. The governments of
Manitoba and Saskatchewan
each arrange about 25 overseas
trade, investment or tourism
missions yearly, British
Columbia about 40. Alberta
sponsors 100 to 120 trade,
85 investment, and 100 tourism
missions per year. This,
as the American professor
Earl Fry points out, constitutes
a far more vigorous effort
than that made by any of
the thirteen western states.
Much
of the impetus for such
efforts comes from the recent
realization of a long-time
Western Canadian fear: that
all of our economic pillars
could fall at the same time.
The international prices
for oil, grain, potash,
coal and uranium all collapsed
during 1986. British Columbia’s
forest products faced a
continuing threat from new
American duties, similar
to those threatened earlier
against our softwood lumber
and imposed on our shakes
and shingles. The 1982 recession
on the Prairies had lingered
on into 1985 and both Alberta
and Saskatchewan were hit
very hard again when the
bottom fell out of world
oil prices in November,
1985. In 1986, an estimated
40,000 Alberta and Saskatchewan
oil workers lost their jobs.
Prices for grain had already
dropped significantly because
of the ongoing subsidy battle
between the treasuries of
the United States and the
European Community. The
non-stop rain and severe
frost roughly halved the
expected Saskatchewan wheat
crop during 1986. The fact
that Manitoba’s more diversified
economy did better than
the other three western
ones during the year only
confirmed the widespread
western conviction that
it was necessary to diversify.
Figures
released by Statistics Canada
earlier this year confirmed
that the 1982 national recession
has still not ended in parts
of Western and Atlantic
Canada. The limp state of
much of the western economy
since then also ended the
westward shift of population
as so many resource industries
in the region were hit with
falling prices and markets.
Interprovincial
migration, a noteworthy
feature of Canadian life,
holds particular significance
in the four western provinces,
as both the level and direction
of interprovincial migration
tend to relate to regional
economic conditions. According
to the 1986 census, the
westward shift of population
of the 1970s -- a direct
consequence of the Alberta
resource boom -- ended in
the early 1980s when falling
oil prices brought about
economic stagnation and
Ontario replaced Alberta
as the preferred destination.
Between 1981 and 1986, more
than 70,000 Albertans had
moved to Ontario. The net
loss of population for Alberta
due to inter-provincial
movements equalled 30,000
people, for Manitoba 1,550
and Saskatchewan almost
3,000. Only British Columbia
experienced a small gain
of some 10,000 people.
The
serious demographic problems
created for Western Canada
between 1981 and 1986 are
clear. According to studies,
inter-provincial migration
tends to consist of younger,
skilled and energetic persons.
Emigration from any region
reduces local employment
and the standard of living
whereas newcomers usually
add to both. As Atlantic
Canadians know so well,
inter-regional out-migration
reduces productivity and
results in higher taxes
for a shrinking population
in order to maintain public
expenditures from a reduced
tax base. Because a smaller
population decreases local
demand for goods and services,
some estimate that for every
five persons who leave a
region two additional jobs
will also be lost.
A
Western Strategy
Contrary
to the view that the major
economic assets of Western
Canada are wheat, rocks,
trees, oil, and so on, the
evidence is overwhelming
that our real strength is
the nature and quality of
our approximately seven
million residents. Our economic
models should be Switzerland,
West Germany and Japan.
Each has achieved a high
general standard of living
and relatively full employment
by producing a range of
high-quality finished products
which are exported with
real marketing skill and
first-class service to customers.
All three populations know
that success today depends
on intelligence, quality
control and technology and
act accordingly.
Economic
life in all four western
provinces has historically
depended heavily on natural
resources: fish, fur, wheat,
beef, forest products, coal,
oil, gas and minerals. Each
still plays an important
role in one or more parts
of our region. A boom in
one resource often carries
many of us forward on its
wave, just as a subsequent
bust leaves many of us beached.
Booming and busting have
been too long the economic
lot of Western Canadians.
There
is a strong consensus in
the West that we must build
boldly on our comparative
economic advantages by strengthening
and adding new components
to our natural resource
and other existing sectors.
A
more efficient management
of our natural resources
could bring large gains
in terms of jobs with high
pay to Western Canada. A
recent study by the Institute
for Research on Public Policy
says that Western Canadians,
as owners of their resources,
by pursuing some aggressive
reforms could receive substantially
more economic value from
that sector. Six resource
industries, nickel in Manitoba,
potash and uranium in Saskatchewan,
hydroelectricity in British
Columbia and Manitoba, the
forest industry in British
Columbia, and the Pacific
salmon fishery, were examined.
Grouping their conclusions
around maximization of resource
rents, distribution of these
rents, and political markets,
the study concluded: "Despite
the problems associated
with resource-based economies,
the comparative advantages
that Western Canada currently
enjoys in staples and the
potential gains from improved
management are so great
that policy-makers should
be more concerned with rational
resource management. For
reasons of efficiency and
equity, governments must
give priority to the collection
of resource rents. Efficient
rent collection and rational
resource policy is admittedly
a demanding task, fraught
with decisions made under
uncertainty and political
bargaining. But abandoning
the task assures a less
desirable future for all
concerned."
Diversification
The
goal of economic diversification
should be to equip Western
Canadians to compete more
effectively in the emerging
global economy and to minimize
regional unemployment and
instability without harming
long-term job growth and
average job earnings. A
paper in 1985 prepared for
the Economic Council of
Canada by economists Harry
Postner and Leslie Wesa,
based on a study of the
period 1970-83, concluded
that a reallocation of manufacturing
and services in the four
western provinces could
meet these three criteria.
In the case of Manitoba,
for example, the study concluded
that some employment redistribution
to sectors such as transportation/communications/utilities,
trade, finance/insurance/real
estate, food and beverages,
printing and publishing,
clothing, electrical and
chemical products would
be "winners." Other sectors
with relative instability
included mining, construction
and commercial services.
Machinery- and transportation-equipment
manufacturing industries
were seen as "losers" in
an optimal diversification
scenario for Manitoba. There
appear to be considerable
similarities here for Saskatchewan,
Alberta and British Columbia.
The oil sector in Alberta
is not one which can be
reduced because its long-term
employment growth rate and
average earnings are the
highest in the province.
The
study, noting in passing
that the four western provinces
are less diversified than
the central provinces, concluded
that the four provinces
could, in the long term,
reduce their employment
instability as follows:
British Columbia -- 24%,
Alberta -- 17%, Saskatchewan
-- almost 30%, and Manitoba
-- 22%. In British Columbia,
for example, more and further
processing of forest resources
would be useful both in
providing diversification
and reducing economic instability.
The
diversification strategy
for the West should therefore
operate closely with the
four provincial governments
to invest both significant
funds and a robust political
will of a long-term kind
in a number of directions
of economic policy. I intend
to outline only some of
the possible directions
the western economy could
follow with the main central
challenge to all of them:
building
on existing strengths.
Tax
Reform
Western
Canadians are certainly
in favour -- as is everyone
-- of a simpler and fairer
system which would significantly
increase the take-home pay
of individuals through a
better balance among the
three major elements of
the federal tax system --
personal, corporate and
sales tax.
It
is patently unacceptable
that, as was true in 1983
for example, 64 companies
which each earned profits
of more than $25 million
paid no corporate tax whatsoever.
Small businesses, which
have created most of the
new jobs across the country
in recent years, paid taxes
for 1982 at almost double
the rate of businesses with
assets of more than $25
million. As a result of
tax concessions mostly to
large businesses, the share
of the income tax burden
paid by companies slumped
from 50% to 25% between
1950 and 1985, while the
share paid by individuals
and families increased correspondingly
from 50% to 75%.
The
administration of the federal
sales tax has resulted in
large distortions of economic
decision-making and badly
needs reform. Ours is evidently
the only developed country
whose tax system favours
foreign producers at the
expense of domestic ones.
We impose a sales tax on
exports which averages about
one percent, whereas imports
are currently taxed at roughly
one-third less than comparable
domestic goods. Major change
is clearly needed here.
There appears, however,
to be considerable opposition
in Western Canada to any
business transfer tax applicable
to services and food. For
example, a tax on transportation
services would reduce both
the competitiveness of many
of our exports and add significantly
to the cost of consumer
goods trucked or sent by
rail from Central Canada.
Western
Canada will benefit, in
my judgement, if tax reforms:
-
remove
the biases which currently
favour industrial sectors
over service work;
-
relax
the definition of what
constitutes research
and development for
income tax purposes
and provide to small
firms the same tax incentives
for R & D as large
manufacturers now enjoy;
-
provide
incentives for investments
in human resources,
which are to the service
sector what capital
goods are to manufacturing,
possibly through a tax
credit for adding employees;
and,
-
create
strong disincentives
to mergers of companies
above a certain size,
on the premise that
these usually lead to
lay-offs, an undue concentration
of ownership, and inefficiencies.
(On the subject of efficiency
it may be noted that
there are disturbing
indications that only
3 or 4 percent of Canadian
small businesses grow
rapidly, compared with
12 to 15 percent in
the U.S.A.)
Agriculture
Unfortunately,
agriculture in the final
years of the century is
declining in its contribution
to western output. There
were approximately 174,000
farms in the four western
provinces in 1982, contributing
about 5.2% of the overall
regional output and involving
less than 8% of Western
Canada’s total population.
The dropping number of full-time
western farmers because
of low grain prices, drought,
cash-flow and credit-related
problems represents a very
serious problem for the
region. Western farm families
have been forced by events
to earn much of their income
from sources away from their
farms. In British Columbia,
outside earnings were as
high as 80% during 1980.
A
major reason for this, as
the Edmonton economists
Terrence and Michele Velman
point out, is our ongoing
cheap-food policy, under
which Canadians generally
spent in 1982 only 16.3%
of disposable income on
food. Growth, in short,
depends largely on foreign
markets for grains, oil
seeds, and red meats. As
recently as 1982-83, wheat
alone comprised about three
quarters of our grain and
oil seeds exports but the
prospects for wheat are
important and problematic.
The governments of both
China and the U.S.S.R. have
indicated they will reduce
wheat imports in the years
ahead. The continuing obscene
grain price-war between
the United States and the
European Community is also
causing severe problems
for Canada in some of the
sixty nations to which we
currently sell grain.
The
best longer term hope for
our grains and oil seeds
lies in better penetration
of new and existing markets,
especially the newly industrialized
countries of the Pacific
Rim, but new strategies,
like the development of
agricultural byproducts
such as ethanol, are clearly
required for western agriculture.
Expanded research into the
growth of non-traditional
wheat types would help us
to market better in developing
nations, which prefer lower
quality wheats and those
appropriate for popular
products such as noodles.
Many studies indicate that
agricultural research spending
repays itself rapidly, and
the Western Diversification
Office (WDO) should allocate
considerably more funds
for research of this nature.
WDO funds should also be
directed towards helping
to restore the soil quality
in various parts of the
Prairies.
Something
is clearly wrong when the
Natural Sciences and Engineering
Research Council has to
inform researchers -- as
it did in 1987-- that, because
of budget cuts, "new applications
will not be accepted" in
the research areas of energy,
food-agriculture and oceans.
Basic food and agricultural
research needs more funding,
not less, and the WDO must
do something really substantial
here for the West.
As
was suggested in a study
by the Canada West Foundation,
horticulture (including
flowers, fruits and vegetables
in greenhouses; plant and
tree nurseries; vegetable
seed products) offers major
potential. Careful WDO investment
should also encourage such
products as berries (notably
strawberries), sod, purebred
livestock, horses for recreation,
rabbits for meat, and goats
for milk and meat.
There
are policy initiatives beyond
those already suggested
for western agriculture
which would assist growth.
Virtually every related
study indicates that agricultural
research brings very high
returns, yet both the federal
and western provincial governments’
contributions to it are
inadequate. More research
on key matters such as the
best production strategy
for dry land agriculture
in Western Canada, higher-yielding
wheat and barley varieties,
the indicated change in
consumer preferences for
red meat and the relative
merits of intensive versus
less intensive production
methods are required. The
Velmans contend that improving
"the skills, abilities and
management capacities of
farm families in western
agriculture should be emphasized
as of the highest priority
in any long run growth strategy
for the agricultural sector....
More attention must be given
to soil and water conservation,
and production systems which
are ecologically sustainable
in the long run must be
developed." On water management,
they call for "alternatives
including the introduction
of pricing for water and
the reform of water rights
systems."
Aside
from the very serious reality
of drought in large parts
of Saskatchewan and Alberta,
the livestock industry is
enjoying good prices and
sales. The economics of
the industry are changing
and, as the Calgary economist
William Kerr has pointed
out, markets in the United
States and the Pacific Rim,
especially Japan, rather
than the Canadian market,
will provide most future
growth. Between 1976 and
late 1984, the western beef
industry showed no real
growth and in fact was characterized
by low prices, ranch bankruptcies
and a shrunken western slaughter
industry. Livestock processing
still ranked as the largest
manufacturing industry during
1984 by volume of sales
in both Saskatchewan and
Manitoba, and was second
only to oil refining in
Alberta.
For
the Prairies as a whole,
livestock processing is
the largest manufacturing
employer, has the biggest
payroll and is a major consumer
of fuel and electricity.
It is also a major value-adding
industry, using local cereals,
but it has considerable
excess capacity. Canadian
beef suppliers could do
more to develop markets
in California. The shortfall
in the California beef requirement
is so large that if Western
Canada could supply even
10% of it, as Kerr points
out, "this would equal a
22% increase in Alberta
production." Much of the
shortfall is now supplied
from east of Omaha but transportation
costs from Calgary are about
three percent cheaper than
the rates from Omaha to
San Francisco.
In
Japan, quotas and very high
tariffs still restrict the
entry of foreign beef, but
a liberalization of these
practices could offer enormous
opportunities for western
beef. A reason for Canada’s
accounting for less than
one percent of Japanese
beef imports as recently
as four years ago is that
our beef is too lean for
Japanese tastes and fails
to meet their difficult
cutting specifications.
Other growing markets of
the Pacific Rim require
a cheaper grass-fed product
than is now produced in
Western Canada. The grain-fed
lean and young beef preferred
by Canadians is simply not
sought after in the Pacific
Rim, and Westerners should
address this problem quickly.
Some
funding should be directed
towards better equipping
people in our meat industry
with training and knowledge
of selected foreign markets,
and toward helping to modernize
the processing side of the
industry at some locations
in Western Canada.
The
Western Grain Transportation
Act’s current method of
payment of the Crow Benefit
directly to the railways
retards diversification
in western agriculture because
returns to grain producers
are higher by about $23
per tonne if they commit
their products to export
markets. Westerners who
wish to diversify into livestock
feeding and processing,
high carbohydrate crops
such as sweet sorghum, canola
crushing, adding value to
grain, and so on, thus lose
much of our comparative
regional advantage. The
current payment method has
a negative impact on the
development of a domestic
market for feed grains and
additional investments in
plants and technology for
western meat packing and
processing.
Western
grain producers should be
able to choose to have the
Crow Benefit paid directly
to them on an experimental
basis: this would provide
a major incentive to our
value-adding agricultural
industries. There might
be a different view on this
issue in each of the prairie
provinces, so it would seem
reasonable to permit all
producers to decide by referendum
how they wished the payment
to be made. Precedents such
as medicare and the Quebec
Pension Plan already exist
for tailoring programs differently
for different provinces.
Forestry
The
major recommendation of
the 1984 study by the Economic
Council of Canada on western
forestry was that the "stock
of mature timber in British
Columbia be harvested at
a faster rate than present
policies permit, as soon
as (and whenever) market
conditions make it profitable
to do so, and that this
be done with full provision
for environmental protection."
A number of knowledgeable
Westerners have criticized
both the analysis and the
conclusion. H.V. Lewis,
an economist with the British
Columbia Ministry of Forests,
pointed out that British
Columbia timber harvests
"have followed United States
housing starts with reasonable
accuracy over the past decade
or more, particularly if
the effect of the exchange
rates is taken into account."
He added that a substantial
increase in British Columbia’s
timber harvests would make
future harvest reductions
much more probable with
a range of consequences
for cities and regions dependent
on forest products. If its
analysis was dismissed,
the Council at least drew
attention to a range of
choices in forest policy.
Most
forests in the West are
owned by their provincial
governments which either
contract with private firms
to manage them or do so
through provincial forest
services. David Haley of
UBC’s Forestry faculty contends
that in the first model
there are inadequate incentives
for efficient long-term
management of the resource,
and in the second the tendency
is increasingly for forests
to be seen as "public utilities"
rather than as businesses
producing an essential raw
material for an important
industrial sector which
must sell the bulk of its
product in increasingly
competitive world markets.
Haley argues that transferring
title would result in more
efficiently-managed timber
production.
World
timber consumption is expected
to increase by about 50%
over the next three
decades, but before Canadians
can expect to benefit from
the estimated 300,000 new
jobs the industry could
create over the next twenty
years, many of them in Western
Canada, further major improvements
in forest management are
required. The distinguished
British Columbia forester,
Les Reid, estimates that
25,000 new jobs can
be created in forest renewal
alone, an additional 75,000
through the increased manufacturing
of wood products resulting
from better harvests.
In
close collaboration with
the ministers responsible
for forests in the four
western provinces, the WDO
should include the following
initiatives:
-
further
encouragement to harvesting
energy from forest biomass,
which could provide
an economic boost to
our forest industries
and help Canada to become
a world leader in biomass
energy technology;
-
additional
federal support to our
western forestry schools
(located at the Universities
of British Columbia
and Alberta);
-
the
recruitment to public
and private forestry
service of more scientists,
policy analysts and
economists; and
-
substantially
more federal funding
for western forest renewal
through renewed Forest
Resource Development
Agreements with all
four provincial governments.
Manufacturing
The
economist Douglas North
argued three decades ago
that four types of manufacturing
can locate successfully
in peripheral regions: material-oriented
industries; equipment manufacturers
for extractive industries;
industries producing consumer
goods for local markets;
and footloose activities
in which transportation
costs do not influence location.
Meat and fish packing, flour-making,
and petrochemicals are examples
of material-based manufacturing
in Western Canada which
exist because of the degree
of reduction in the bulk
or weight of a primary product.
Oil and gas machinery manufacturers
in Alberta and transportation-equipment
producers in Manitoba are
instances of makers of equipment
for regional extractive
industries. Dairy and bakery
products, construction materials,
furniture, commercial printing
and such products are examples
of local consumer goods
manufacturers which have
located in our larger western
regional centres. The growth
of biotechnological centres
in Saskatoon and other technology
centres in Western Canada
appears to offer the best
hope for footloose future-oriented
manufacturing jobs in Western
Canada. More effort is clearly
needed to develop more footloose
industries in all four western
provinces.
In
particular, as the geographer
Neil Seifried has pointed
out, if Alberta is to diversify
industrially, its manufacturing
output must become less
oriented to its dominant
oil and gas sector than
it was during the 1967 to
the 1970 period, and more
oriented to external markets.
Manitoba manufacturing over
the same period, particularly
its clothing, transportation
equipment and electrical
products, was focussing
more successfully -- from
a diversification standpoint
- on markets external to
the region, including Ontario,
Quebec and the United States.
The
1984 Economic Council of
Canada development scenario
for the West asserted that
manufacturing cannot contribute
much to the regional economy
because our manufacturing
base is too small. A 1985
study by Winnipeg economists
Norman Cameron, James Dean
and Walter Good was far
less pessimistic. Examining
49 clothing and 44 transportation
equipment firms in Manitoba
on the basis of the volatile
years between 1970 and 1984,
they concluded that manufacturing
is not robust enough to
drag the rest of the western
economy along after it.
On the other hand, a rising
western population would
create large enough regional
markets to allow manufacturing
to become cost-competitive
with manufactured products
from outside the region
or Canada itself. In both
clothing and transportation
equipment, a substantial
reduction in western imports
has resulted; Cameron, Dean
and Good believe that textiles
and clothing should be added
to printing and publishing,
metal fabrication, wood
industries and furniture
and fixtures as sectors
with particularly good western
prospects. Among the factors
which they consider favour
additional manufacturing
in Winnipeg are an entrepreneurial
pool, good employee productivity,
local receptiveness to business
and industry, an efficient
transportation system for
raw materials and finished
products, and favourable
local taxes. This would
appear to be equally true
of many other urban centres
across Western Canada.
There
are advantages for some
other traditional manufacturing
operations which might locate
themselves profitably in
our region as well. The
WDO could be a major catalyst
here by targeting some high
unemployment areas in the
West for enterprise zones
similar to the Enterprise
Cape Breton model, which
provides a package of incentives
for new manufacturing operations
locating in Cape Breton.
It can also be helpful in
providing marketing information
and assistance about foreign
markets for threshold exporters.
Domestic opportunities for
western firms should be
helped by initiatives to
ensure that full information
is provided to them about
federal government procurement
and tendering practices.
Elemental fair national
play requires that both
federal government and national
institutions, public and
private and including the
chartered banks, must in
future ensure that their
procurement and other activities
each year reflect the reality
of the country. Much improvement
in regional equality is
needed for both Western
and Atlantic Canadians.
Oil
Sands, Coal and Natural
Gas
A
paper presented to provincial
energy ministers in 1986
estimated that without new
sources of supply Canada
will require imports to
meet one-quarter of its
light crude oil needs by
1990 and more than half
by 2000. It seems to me
to follow that Western Canada
should aim to become the
technological world leader
for oil sands energy development.
A new mined oil sands project
at Fort McMurray to start
in 1996 and an upgrader
in Lloydminster to start
in 1993, recently announced
amid much controversy as
to its economic viability,
could become important components
of a prairie manufacturing
base in the overall national
interest.
The
private sector is understandably
reluctant to undertake such
projects because of the
uncertainty of price, but
might go ahead if Ottawa
negotiated a guaranteed
price for a fixed volume
of the product. The difference
between the negotiated price
and the world price would
become either a loss or
a gain according to the
package negotiated between
the successful consortium
and the various governments
involved. Security of future
supply is so critical that
the risk appears warranted.
The U.S., for example, now
has a strategic oil reserve
of about 515 million barrels,
which at $20 (U.S.) per
barrel represents a $10
billion investment in oil
security without including
carrying charges on the
investment.
Ottawa
must also recognize that
the oil sands sector badly
needs help in other spheres.
For example, new oil sand
extraction technologies
appear. to hold real promise
for efficiency and reduction
of water and air pollution
when compared to the hot-water
processes now used by Syncrude
and Suncor at Fort McMurray.
Imaginative new research
and development programs
funded by Ottawa should
assist the more promising
of these technologies with
a view to enhancing existing
western strengths. World
leadership, with all its
spin-offs in terms of exports
of services, should be the
goal.
Western
Canada’s coal reserves are
virtually limitless, and
available data indicates
that its liquefaction for
fuel becomes economically
viable in the $25 (U.S.)
price range. At present
there are more than 20 promising
methods on the horizon.
Ottawa should select for
research funding perhaps
ten not already being funded
by provincial governments.
After a period, the two
levels of government might
together choose the two
or three most promising
for further development.
Ottawa should also support
research on new technologies
for co-processing coal with
bitumen/heavy oil.
Major
new markets for Western
Canada’s coal now appear
to exist in Western Europe.
One recent estimate is that
Europeans might fairly soon
absorb up to ten million
tonnes of Western Canadian
coal yearly, shipped through
Port Churchill by rail from
northern Alberta and B.C.
Again, Ottawa should seek
to become a catalyst.
Substantial
growth for gas exports from
Western Canada was predicted
in a late 1986 study by
the National Energy Board.
If, however, the Board does
not permit exports beyond
1991, as is a possibility,
a cost-benefit analysis
by the Alberta Research
Council predicts a virtual
calamity for exploration
and development in this
important western industry.
It estimates that the present
value of a no-export policy
after 1991 for Canadian
consumers, because of resulting
lower prices, would be $8.8
billion between 1988 and
2003, but the net present
loss to Alberta producers
alone would be $25.3 billion,
making a net loss to the
economies and governments
of the western provinces
of $18.3 billion over the
period. Given the indications
of large quantities of gas
still to be found within
the western provinces, it
is surely in the general
national interest to continue
exports beyond 1991. Ottawa
or WDO might usefully address
this issue, if only by funding
further research on the
employment and other costs
to the West of alternative
gas export policies.
High
Technology
A
major comparative advantage
of Western Canada lies in
biomass (energy, forest,
agricultural) and it is
probably in that large area
that our best technology
prospects lie. WDO can help
us to seek world leadership
in a series of carefully
chosen niches here, just
as Northern Telecom did
in telecommunications. It
will have to fund part of
the necessary research and
development, just as Canadian
Bell Telephone users paid
for a good deal of the research
which led to Northern Telecom’s
success.
A
study done for the governments
of the four western provinces
in 1986 by the Science Directorate
of the Organization for
Economic Cooperation and
Development (OECD) assessed
our general strengths and
needs. It concluded that
Westerners are well equipped
for a knowledge-intensive
economy for many reasons:
regional pride; our strong
desire to prove that we
are an intellectual frontier
of Canada; a host of universities,
community colleges and technical
schools; entrepreneurial
dynamism; high quality technologies
already available; and a
multicultural population.
More is needed, however,
to link technology to the
Western Canadian economies
and to enrich existing industries,
such as our natural resource
and agricultural sectors,
with new technologies. Among
the recommendations of the
OECD study to Ottawa, which
could play an important
role through WDO, are the
following:
-
The
share of federal government
R & D expenditures
(both intramural and
extramural) going to
the western provinces
over the 1981-85 period
has been stable at about
22%. On a population
basis, Western Canada
is entitled to 30% of
such spending. (Given
our economic instability,
we probably should have
more than that during
the next decade.)
-
There
is need for Ottawa to
follow Saskatchewan
in establishing a "single
window" for programs
to help with technology
development, marketing,
regional development
and export development.
-
All
governments should cooperate
fully on priorities
and joint goals in such
key areas as micro-electronics,
telecommunications,
and biotechnology and
whenever possible relate
high technology to our
natural resource sectors.
-
The
federal government should
expand western programs
to enrich traditional
industries through a
better diffusion and
adoption of new technologies,
and become more activist
in policies for technology
transfers into the western
provinces.
Some
specific recommendations
by the OECD to the federal
government should probably
be included in WDO budgeting.
For example, funds should
be provided for programs
and support in recruiting
top leaders for infrastructure
projects, provided they
relate to the technological
strengths of each province
and arc supported by a network
of entrepreneurs, industrially
experienced academics and
private capital markets.
Through added human and
financial resources, the
capability of federal ministries
and agencies to contribute
to liaison with regional
R & D and innovation
should be improved, and
there should be better use
of federally-sponsored facilities
to meet provincial needs.
While there are excellent
centres in the West, they
need to better network among
themselves and with corresponding
provincial organizations.
Similarly,
joint initiatives by the
federal and provincial governments
on international programs,
as recommended by the OECD
study, might also become
part of the WDO:
-
commissioning
of "competitive analyses"
in areas of technology
which are commonly the
focus of provincial
plans for knowledge-intensive
economies;
-
exchanges
of researchers and scientists
with foreign countries;
-
commercialization
of new technologies
introduced in the western
provinces by mobilization
of the scientific and
commercial networks
and programs for international
technology transfer.
Transportation
and Tourism
Because
of our small population,
large distances and dependence
on foreign trade, transportation
remains very important to
Western Canada. The WDO
might well take a careful
look at whether new VIA
rolling stock would allow
it to achieve better economies
as similar ones appear to
have done for AMTRAK in
the U.S. Would our regional
tourism industry benefit
significantly? Again, why
do we have no facility for
manufacturing trucks when
so many of them are sold
into the four western provinces?
Given the importance of
electricity to Manitoba
and British Columbia, WDA
should do everything feasible
to ensure that Western Canadians
are actively involved in
the world of future industries
promised by superconductivity
for power systems, electronics,
transportation and science.
Tourism
is already important to
all four western economies
and could be much more so.
For example, in the summer
of 1986, Canadians spent
more than $800 million (out
of a total of $2 billion)
on overnight pleasure travel
in the four western provinces.
In
Alberta alone, tourism is
a $2 billion-a-year industry
employing about 85,000 people.
About 30,000 people in each
of Saskatchewan and Manitoba
and some 120,000 British
Columbians work in tourism-related
industries.
Experts
say Western Canada’s tourism
industry could be doubled
with proper marketing, staff
training and resort development.
A number of new and intelligent
programs to raise the appeal
of the four western provinces
as a world-class tourism
destination, including more
public education, could
also help us draw many more
visitors from other regions
of Canada and abroad.
Services
Services
are both the largest and
most rapidly-growing sector
of the four provincial economies.
Can they be a major engine
of economic growth? In its
"Western Transition" report
the Economic Council made
a number of recommendations
with that objective. All
current anti-service biases
in federal government programs
providing assistance to
businesses should be ended,
and there should be encouragement
to the export of western
consultant services to Pacific
Rim and developing nations
generally. Specifically,
in my view, the Canadian
International Development
Agency contracts should
be awarded with a much greater
determination to assist
Western Canadian consultants
to achieve the world-class
successes already obtained
abroad by Montreal-based
consulting engineers. The
Small Business Loans Act
should ensure that services
are not discriminated against
and that the minimum loan
is not of an amount which
is unattractive to most
new service businesses.
I
have offered a long list
of measures that are appropriate
for a Western Economic Diversification
Strategy. Admittedly priorities
will have to be tailored
according to the financial
cloth made available. Some
proposals will no doubt
have to be postponed. Diversification
appears to be an old theme
in the economic aspirations
of Western Canada. It is
time these aspirations materialized
and took realistic shape.
We need to act boldly and
with vision if Western Canada
is to enjoy the future that
its potential offers.
Canada-U.S.
Free Trade Agreement
Canada’s
entire trade relations with
the U.S. have been at centre
stage for three years. The
battle lines were drawn
as pro-and anti-free trade
forces prepared for a major
electoral confrontation
in 1988, and the rhetoric
has been reminiscent of
the 1911 national election
campaign. Some Ontarians,
including their premier,
have attempted to scuttle
the Canada-U.S. free trade
initiative from the outset
even though from many indications
their province has the most
to gain from free trade.
The province that now relies
on the U.S. market for more
than 90% of its exports
has the most to lose if
no free trade agreement
is reached, because the
alternative to free trade
is not the status quo but
growing U.S. protectionism.
In
the West, the free trade
agreement (FTA) is seen
by many as a way to reduce
the colonialism created
by national governments
over decades at the expense
of western resources. Ontario,
long the main beneficiary
of western resources, has
become the focus of much
western anger and frustration.
Recent statements by the
western premiers and other
Westerners suggest that
if the Peterson government
continues its stand on the
FTA major regional conflicts
will arise. It is no coincidence
that most of the people
in the West who say the
NEP was good for the region,
now say that the FTA is
bad for us.
I
firmly believe implementing
the proposed FTA is in the
best interests of both our
region and all other parts
of Canada. As a Western
Canadian, I share with millions
of those in the West and
other regions a broader
vision of trade that carries
the opportunity for benefits
to all Canadians.
The
way in which many Westerners
view free trade is based
on a long-standing history
of neglect by, and mistrust
of, successive federal governments
which have often seemed
to our region to be of,
by and for Central Canada
alone. Some of us talk often
about "nationalizing" Ottawa.
Such questions as who has
the power over the natural
resources of our region,
who can tax them and on
what basis, who will transport
them, how they will be transported,
and who will pay, all remain
vital questions with major
implications to more than
seven million Western and
Northern Canadians.
The
West’s raw materials became
the basis for what has been
described as a classic example
of mercantilism. The primary
business of the West is
still too much the production
of staples which often continue
to be exported from the
region in a raw or semi-finished
state to Central Canada,
where products are then
finished and exported back
to the West. This is partly
because capital development
was and is controlled primarily
by our five major banks,
whose head offices are in
either Montreal or Toronto.
A resource-based economy
will always be vulnerable
to the capriciousness of
external markets. But it
is a source of profound
concern in the West that
these difficulties should
be compounded by a host
of discriminatory federal
policies which sought to
maintain the position of
the West as a quasi-colonial
resource producer rather
than asserting its development
as a manufacturing and services
sector. Northern Ontarians,
non-metropolitan Quebeckers
and Atlantic Canadians have
a similar complaint.
Some
examples of federal neglect
and discrimination against
the West were discussed
in the chapters on alienation,
and illustrate the scope
of the problem. Most recent
economic growth has occurred
in Central Canada. Between
late 1984 and the end of
1987, an estimated 902,000
jobs had been created in
Canada. Almost 670,000 of
these (73%) were in Ontario
and Quebec.
National
unemployment in March 1988
fell to 7.8%, but the levels
in many western cities were
higher. Saskatoon had a
12.1% unemployment rate,
Edmonton 10.1% and Victoria
12.3%. And in May 1988 when
Ontario and Toronto enjoyed
4.9 and 3.2% unemployment
rates respectively, British
Columbia’s and Victoria’s
rates remained high at 10.4%
and 9.8%.
Tariffs
on imported goods initially
aided the industrialization
of Central Canada and in
so doing have provided jobs
and profits there. That
is all very well, but high
tariffs mean that Western
Canadians still pay significantly
higher prices for manufactured
goods without receiving
a proportional amount of
the jobs and the profits.
The
Canada West Foundation estimates
that in the last twenty
years, the net cost to the
West of tariffs on U.S.
goods alone is over $5.7
billion, whereas Ontario
during the same period gained
$6.8 billion from tariff
protection on U.S. goods.
The net loss to Western
Canada of our national tariff
system was $51 per person,
whereas Central Canada gained
$31 per person.
With
western prices already inflated
by discriminatory transportation
policies, it seems unfair
to many Westerners that
after 100 years they should
still be subsidizing Central
Canada’s manufacturing sector.
In
Canada, twenty-seven percent
of our GNP is directly related
to exports, one of the highest
rates in the world. One
in three Canadian jobs depend,
in some degree, upon trade.
An estimated 2to2.5 million
of our fellow citizens depend
on exports of goods and
services to the U.S. for
their livelihoods. This
means that there are approximately
as many Canadians as there
are men, women and children
in the four Atlantic provinces
combined who would be out
of work if the U.S. market
closed tomorrow. Even without
a free trade deal, the West
today sends 65% of its exports
to the U.S., and Canada
as a whole exports even
more. As of 1988, a total
of 77% of all products sold
outside of Canada will be
sold in the U.S.
One
recent poll indicates that
49% of all Canadians support
free trade. Thirty-four
percent are opposed, and
17% are undecided. The agreement
is in the interests of most
ordinary Canadians in all
regions and can benefit
a great number of Westerners
in such fields as lumber
(which employed 87,400 Westerners
in 1986), fish products
($90 million worth of these
exports were sent south
of the border from the West
in 1985) and energy (which
is currently a $15 billion
a year industry with the
U.S.). Western Canada also
hopes to gain indirectly
through the free trade agreement.
With American banks being
allowed to set up shop in
Canada, the grip of our
five major banks will, it
is hoped, be weakened a
little allowing for fresh,
new investments and loans
throughout the West.
In
1988, Canada expected to
top the big seven OECD countries
with business investment
expected to rise by 17%.
(In the U.S. and Japan,
by comparison, 10% is expected.)
This unprecedented increase
in capital spending is partly
fuelled by the prospect
of Canada’s free trade agreement
with the U.S.
Canada
West Foundation Perspective
A
Western Canadian perspective
on the FTA is well articulated
in a report published by
the Canada West Foundation
early in 1988, Evaluating
The Fine Print: The Free
Trade Agreement and Western
Canada. It concludes
that for every 100 working
individuals in Western Canada,
83 will notice little or
no change if the FTA proceeds
because the agreement will
have minimal effect on them.
Two Westerners out of the
hundred are in industries
on which assistance programs
should focus, and fifteen
work in sectors that will
benefit from greater security
in their present American
markets (to which two-thirds
of western exports of services
and goods are now sold).
In fact, the fifteen percent
are in industries which
produce about one quarter
of our gross regional output
so the effect of the agreement
should be to protect existing
jobs and create new ones
in our most dynamic industries.
Western consumers will be
big winners because they
"will benefit from reduced
prices and greater variety
with the elimination of
tariffs, which are essentially
extra taxes, on North American
goods." Every western family
is expected by the CWF study
to save about $1000 yearly
from phased-out tariffs
once the FTA is fully implemented.
The
report sets out the
probable effects of the
FTA in Western Canada by
sectors. Those positively
affected, which currently
employ 514,000 people, are
divided into three groups:
enhanced exports (241,000
persons), moderate benefits
(93,000), and greater export
security (178,000). Those
in which the export position
will be enhanced include
saw mills, meat packing,
livestock, metal fabrication,
petroleum and coal, electrical
power, machinery, non-metallic
minerals and chemicals.
The second group includes
transportation equipment
and business services. The
industries which should
obtain more security of
export access for their
products from the agreement
include oil, gas, minerals,
pulp, newsprint, kraft papers,
steel and non-ferrous metals.
The sectors negatively affected
(employing 59,500 persons)
include printing, food processing,
poultry products, soft drinks,
furniture and tobacco. The
rest (2.8 million jobs)
will experience little or
no effect from the agreement
because their products or
services arc "non-tradeable"
(most services), exempt
from the terms of the FTA
(cultural industries), local-market
oriented, protected by unique
arrangements (telephone
services) or because, in
some cases, no clear consensus
has emerged as to the impact
of the FTA.
Agriculture
is a sector which the Canada
West Foundation sees as
being affected only marginally
by the agreement. Tariffs
on farm products will be
reduced to zero by 1998,
but Canadian marketing boards
will in practice keep imports
in supply-managed products
to a small share of Canadian
consumption. Western livestock
producers arc seen as big
winners because the FTA
will both exempt them from
the U.S. meat import laws
and exclude our beef and
pork from the American meat
inspections which now cause
costly delays. The FTA will
remove import restrictions
on barley and oats: a two-way
trade already close to $90
million, with Canada being
a net exporter of feed barley
and oats. Significant changes
for grains are unlikely
because the present import
licensing will remain in
force even if grain export
subsidies by the two nations
ever become equal. At present,
U.S. wheat is subsidized
at an estimated $50 per
tonne more than Canadian
wheat. The value of the
bilateral grain trade, moreover,
is today only one-tenth
the value of cross-border
trade in livestock. On balance,
the Canada West Foundation
judges that the FTA will
maintain the status quo
in agriculture: Canadians
will export beef, pork and
fish products; Americans
will export fruits, vegetables
and miscellaneous food products.
In
regard to Canadian energy
exports, the CWF concludes
that the FTA assures secure
market access of several
species, and nondiscriminatory
access for the U.S. to Canadian
energy supplies. Neither
country will be able to
restrict energy exports
or imports except in times
of short supply or in the
case of national security
for defence purposes. Oil,
natural gas and electricity
producers in Western Canada
strongly support the FTA,
and the Alberta petrochemical
industry is expected to
benefit substantially as
well. It is anticipated
that the western mining
industry will do further
smelting and refining in
the region with the elimination
of all metal and mineral
tariffs.
The
western forestry sector
views the FTA as essential
to maintaining present export
levels to America, thus
increasing the stability
of a volatile industry.
True, the FTA does not affect
the agreement under which
a 15 percent export tax
was placed on our softwood
lumber exports, but overall
it will create a better
trade environment and diminish
the threat of American countervail
actions on other forestry
products in the future.
Our
transportation equipment,
communication and computer
equipment sectors expect
to benefit from tariff-free
access to the U.S. Construction,
oilfield, woodworking, paper
and other specialty machinery
made in Western Canada will
have enhanced export opportunities.
The world-class telecommunications
equipment industry in Western
Canada will benefit from
the removal of the present
8.5 percent U.S.
duty. In food processing,
meat packing, which is still
the largest sector in the
West, will gain from the
elimination of tariff and
inspection barriers under
the FTA. The removal of
existing high U.S. tariffs
on processed oilseeds will
assist our oilseed mills.
Business services, especially
consulting, engineering,
architectural and computer
services, will grow because
business services will obtain
indirect employment benefits
from better access to and
security for primary and
manufactured products sold
to the U.S.; several business
services will thus gain
directly from exports of
services to the U.S. market.
On
the down side, the CWF analysis
concedes that about 60,000
jobs, representing 1.8%
of the Western Canadian
labour force, are in industries
which, it is expected, will
experience a negative impact
from the FTA. British Columbia’s
Okanagan Valley wine industry
is the biggest loser because
of the proposed elimination
of markups and tariffs which
discriminate against California
wines; assistance should
be provided to British Columbia
growers and processors,
as Ottawa has promised.
Another 10,000 western jobs
are in fruit, vegetable,
poultry and other processor
businesses which will face
some negative effects from
the FTA. In the short term,
all western food processors
now sheltered by tariffs
will probably encounter
greater adverse consequences
than other food products.
Western makers of doors,
windows, and fme papers
will be hurt by the phase-out
of protective tariffs. Another
1,000 jobs in western commercial
printing firms are likely
to be affected when larger
contracts become more accessible
to U.S. competition under
the FTA. Finally, an estimated
3,000 to 4,000 jobs in the
western furniture-making
sector could be lost because
the present 15 percent tariff
will be phased out over
five years.
Provincial
Winners
British
Columbia’s economy should
benefit very significantly
because B.C. sectors which
expect a positive impact
account for 18 percent of
provincial output (and 185,000
jobs) whereas those expected
to lose amount to only 2.4%.
The softwood lumber, shakes
and shingles, and pulp and
paper industries on which
British Columbians are especially
dependent for the creation
and maintenance of jobs
will all benefit from the
increased export security
created by the FTA, says
the Canada West Foundation.
Increased investment, production
and employment will also
result for the B.C. industries
connected with natural gas,
lead, zinc, aluminum, and
other metals. The CWF feels
that new capital investment
in British Columbia from
Japan, Hong Kong and other
Pacific Rim countries seeking
tariff-free access to the
U.S. will have "a major
bearing on the magnitude
of economic gains for British
Columbia under the FTA."
The
positive impact of the FTA
on Alberta is expected to
be the highest of any western
province. More than 165,000
present jobholders, mostly
in energy-related industries,
are expected to benefit,
whereas only about 16,500
can expect worse conditions.
Part of this is due to the
fact that 75 percent of
Alberta’s exports go to
the U.S., more than those
of any other western province.
Saskatchewan
will be the least affected
western province because
sectors benefitting from
the FTA account for only
20% of provincial output
and those to be adversely
affected amount to only
one percent. Put another
way, only 41% of the province’s
exports during 1986 went
south, the lowest share
of all ten Canadian provinces.
On the other hand, the U.S.
takes about two-thirds of
Saskatchewan’s non-grain
exports and its products
which are exported to the
U.S., such as uranium and
potash, are highly vulnerable
to protectionist measures.
Overall, the Canada West
Foundation report estimates
that approximately 85 of
every hundred job-holders
in the province will be
minimally affected by the
FTA.
In
Manitoba, 48,000 jobs are
in sectors expected to benefit
from more secure access
to the American market compared
with 13,800 in industries
likely to receive a negative
effect. Fifty-five percent
of the province’s exports
during 1986 went to the
U.S. The considerable diversification
already present in the Manitoba
economy will allow an easier
adjustment to freer trade
than for the other western
provinces. Natural-resource-dependent
communities in the province
should reduce their vulnerability
to U.S. protectionist measures
as a consequence of the
agreement.
In
summary, the free trade
agreement is expected by
the Canada West Foundation
to have numerous positive
consequences for the entire
Western economy. Significant
net gains in employment
are anticipated for the
region as a whole and for
all the regions within the
four provinces. For the
number of communities and
sectors negatively affected,
adjustment programs should
focus on persons in the
forms of employment affected.
In order to generate more
jobs and investment in sectors
materially helped by the
greater export opportunities
afforded by the FTA, encouragement
should be provided to seek
new export opportunities.
The spin-off in new jobs
from increased exports to
the U.S. should be felt
mainly in the service sector
across the West, which now
accounts for 78% of our
employment and 71% of our
regional output.
John
W. Dafoe, the legendary
editor of The Winnipeg
Free Press, speaking
as a prairie Liberal in
1911, caught very well the
essence of freer trade:
"Reciprocity means prosperity
to every section of Canada.
It means increased population;
more trade; larger traffic
for our railways; higher
values for every foot of
land in Canada; enlarged
orders for our factories;
bigger cities -- in short
an advance all along the
line."
These
sorts of advances will be
welcomed in the West, and
they are long overdue. More
diversified trade is something
we all want, especially
in Western Canada, given
our ties with the Pacific
Rim. It is hoped that a
bilateral agreement with
our neighbour will kick-start
all of us to begin looking
more aggressively for opportunities
everywhere in the world.
Western
Canada’s past and present
disenchantment is based
on both economic and philosophical
grounds. The classic elements
of Western discontent formed
the fabric of its political
life and were the greatest
impediment to the development
of its full potential: the
concentration of economic
and political power in Central
Canada, the lack of an effective
regional banking system,
the disadvantage to western
consumers resulting from
protective tariffs on imported
goods, the lack of a national
freight rate policy that
permits western goods to
compete in eastern markets,
inequality in federal procurement
and development funds, and
the lack of a comprehensive
development policy at the
federal level which would
lead to decentralization
and equitable distribution
of economic opportunity.
There
are no one-shot remedies
for the ongoing economic
grievances of Western Canada.
The status quo, however,
is no longer acceptable,
and as long as Western Canada
remains a thinly populated
economic hinterland within
both the Canadian and North
American market economies,
there is little likelihood
that our economic woes will
completely disappear, or
that the economic friction
between the West and the
national government will
ever be altogether eliminated.
What
the West needs is the broad,
bold vision of a New National
Policy that will encompass
fresh economic initiatives,
some of which I have outlined
here. Central to all of
them must be a principle
of fairness and equality
of opportunity for the part
of Canada that worked so
hard to strengthen central
regions at the expense of
its own unrealized potential.
For too long, the benefits
of the ‘Old’ National Policy
flowed to Central Canada,
and the costs to the West.
All
Westerners should endeavour
to see that our potential
in human and material resources
is developed into the real
wealth and prosperity that
have eluded us for most
of our history. Only a greater
degree of political power
commensurate with the West’s
new economic strength will
establish our region for
the first time as an equal
partner in Confederation.
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