Chief
Moshood Abiola Memorial
Service
Remarks by Hon. David Kilgour,
Secretary of State (Latin
America and Africa)
Burton Auditorium, York
University
Toronto, July 18, 1998
It is a privilege
for me to participate in this gathering
on behalf of the Government of Canada. Among
friends, very simply, we honour the achievements
of a great Nigerian. With the eloquence
of his last letter still ringing in our
ears, anything any one of us says is inadequate.
Chief Moshood
Abiola, the president elect -- widely known
by his initials MKO -- was a successful
businessman who "had it all".
He enjoyed fame, fortune and family life,
was on good terms with the Babangida regime
and respected for his generous philanthropy.
In 1993 he accepted the call of many and
stood for the Presidency under the banner
of the Social Democratic Party.
The election
on June 12, 1993 was confirmed by international
observers as free and fair, probably the
freest and fairest in Nigeria's history.
Chief Abiola not only won a convincing majority
of 58 percent, but did what no previous
presidential candidate had done: virtually
unite the country. He won the national capital,
the military polling stations and over two-thirds
of the states nation-wide, even his rival's
home base. Canadian observers present fully
supported the outcome. To everyone's consternation,
General Babangida simply annulled the election.
Chief Abiola
undertook an international tour to seek
support for his mandate. He was received
in Ottawa in September 1993 by then Foreign
Minister Perrin Beatty and MPs of all major
parties. Soon after his return to Nigeria,
General Abacha seized power and went on
to annul the previously elected National
Assembly as well as state and local governments
-- a clean sweep of democracy. MKO, undaunted,
held a large public rally in June, 1994
on the anniversary of his election to claim
his mandate. Predictably, he was jailed
and charged with "treason" --
as if Abacha had any legitimacy to do that.
This may
have seemed like the end, but even worse
was to follow: seemingly endless solitary
confinement, with only the Koran and the
Bible for support; denied court orders for
bail; denied any semblance of trial; denied
adequate or even necessary medical treatment;
the brutal assassination of his senior wife
Kudirat in 1996. There was also the periodic
humiliation of being told he could go free
if he renounced his mandate. Through it
all, for the four years he should have been
President, MKO held steadfast to his democratic
principles, undiminished and uncompromised.
Nigeria matters
to Canada and to Canadians. Our countries
had for many years a broad and friendly
relationship based on Commonwealth ties
and values, extensive collaboration in the
UN, human contacts in both directions and
a shared commitment to federalism. For years
Nigeria was our biggest export market between
South Africa and the Maghreb, and our largest
source of imports in all of Africa. Its
population of over 100 million, well-educated
élites and abundant resources should
make it a natural leader in the continent:
a pole of economic attraction, a source
of constructive influence in the region.
In short, a great nation with a bright future.
Under Abacha,
Nigeria became a synonym for wasted opportunity.
Human rights were replaced by repression
of labour, media and civil society, with
hundreds of political prisoners. Democracy
was mocked by a tightly controlled "transition
program" whose end result was less
than 5 percent turnout for parliamentary
elections and a single candidate for president
in elections scheduled for August of this
year. Rule of law yielded to entrenched
military rule that governed by decree and
routinely ignored court orders.
The economy
was no better. For the last two years, Nigeria
was rated the world's most corrupt country
by Transparency International, and the least
attractive to foreign investment in a European
survey. Roads, airports and refineries as
well as schools and hospitals are literally
falling apart. The World Bank and International
Monetary Fund discontinued support. Fraud,
violence, drug-running and money-laundering
became common.
This is the
bleak legacy of military rule for 28 of
the last 32 years. Now -- perhaps -- Nigeria
is at a crossroads. The death of General
Abacha could represent the death of dictatorship
in Nigeria. Nigerians deserve better than
what they have had to live through for most
of the time since independence. General
Abubakar has a real opportunity to move
forward with a genuine democratic transition:
he has begun by releasing some prominent
political prisoners and consulting a wide
range of opinion. Should he fail to seize
this opportunity, he will be subject to
renewed pressure -- internal and external.
I have no crystal ball, but we can be sure
of two things: lack of political reform
makes trouble likely, and any collapse or
explosion will affect not only Nigeria,
but its neighbours and the international
community -- at immense cost.
While Chief
Abiola languished in jail, Canada consistently
upheld the legitimacy of the 1993 election
and sought to exercise pressure for positive
change. Although we have had some success
with dialogue elsewhere, Nigeria was virtually
the only country impervious to this approach.
Since 1993 we have gradually increased pressure
with non-economic measures which now include:
-
denial of
visas and educational facilities for regime
members & families
-
an arms embargo, withdrawal of military
attachés and end to military training
-
downgrading of diplomatic missions and cultural
links
-
a visa-based ban on all sporting contacts
We have also ended bilateral aid and taken
modest economic steps such as ending export
credits, declining to host a joint economic
commission and suspending a double-taxation
agreement and negotiations on an investment-protection
agreement. Canada led the way for the United
States and European Union on most of these
measures, which were intended to bring Nigeria's
military regime to its senses, not to its
knees. Whether this has now been achieved
remains to be seen.
In the Commonwealth,
Canada has been a strong supporter of democracy,
the rule of law, good governance and human
rights. Faced with mounting abuses in Nigeria,
culminating in the execution of Ken Saro-Wiwa
and others during the 1995 summit, Commonwealth
leaders suspended Nigeria and created a
Ministerial Action Group to deal with violations
in Nigeria and elsewhere. Prime Minister
Chrétien played a key role in both
decisions, and Canada has been in the Action
Group, known as CMAG, from the start.
Foreign Minister
Axworthy and I attach a lot of importance
to CMAG, which has a rotating membership
of eight from all over the Commonwealth
and has met ten times in two and half years.
It has held high-level dialogue with Nigerian
democrats as well as the military regime.
It spelled out the implications of Nigeria's
suspension and commissioned a study of political
and economic sanctions in case dialogue
failed. It recommended the non-economic
measures implemented by Canada. The Commonwealth
summit last October empowered CMAG to invoke
these measures, and tasked it to assess
the Nigerian transition next October, and
make recommendations on further economic
measures if warranted and on Nigerias
continued membership in the Commonwealth.
In the United
Nations, Canada actively worked for the
three General Assembly resolutions on Nigeria
since 1995, which passed with strong support.
We also pushed for a UN fact-finding mission
which recommended international monitoring
of the transition. At the Commission on
Human Rights, after an initial defeat, Canada
was key in negotiating successively stronger
resolutions, leading to appointment of a
full Special Rapporteur who delivered a
comprehensive indictment of the situation
this spring.
In recent
weeks Chief Abiola's deliverance seemed
near. Signals multiplied that he was about
to be released. There were calls and high
hopes for him to lead an interim government
presiding over the transition to democracy.
And suddenly, when everything was looking
up, he was taken from us. That is what makes
his death so hard to bear for all of us.
Chief
Abiola now enjoys God's
rest, having given his life
for a democratic Nigeria.
The man who should have
been President and never
will be, lives on in our
hearts, as The Economist
put it, "a martyr for
democracy." He calls
on Nigerians never to forget
their democratic birthright,
and to unite their country
in peace and freedom as
his election once did. He
calls on Nigeria's friends
abroad to unfailingly support
the people until their just
struggle is won. Insh'Allah,
we shall all hear and heed
his call, and Nigeria will
step forward to reclaim
its rightful place among
the great nations of the
world. This is the best
way to honour his memory.
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