|
|
|
What Holds Us Back On
Darfur? Why do Western governments find it so difficult to demonstrate real leadership on the ongoing catastrophe in Darfur? In particular, our own government, when so many would expect Canadians to take a catalytic peacekeeping role. The essentially tokenistic gestures by the West, the African Union (AU) and the United Nations have failed to end the ongoing violence in Sudan. It’s saddening to see our leaders willing to allow another Rwanda or Bosnia to take place while we stand aside and watch. Why does it seem “Never Again” means nothing in capitals like Ottawa? The Canadian government’s continuing pursuit of a policy of “constructive engagement” with Sudan’s military rulers is of no use. Constructive engagement has never produced results when dealing with genocidal dictatorships, and as such, our Prime Minister’s message of concern for Sudan’s victims cannot be taken seriously by Canadians and international observers. If everything we do accomplishes nothing, we are nothing more than silent partners in genocide. Abhorrent violations of human rights must not happen because we did nothing. The appointment of Dr. John Garang as vice president of a government of national unity was seen as providing a wider opportunity to resolve the bloody conflict in Sudan, including the humanitarian crisis in Darfur. He was seen as a beacon of real hope for peace in Sudan. The peace agreement signed in January between Garang and Sudanese President Omar el-Bashir ended 21 years of war by providing for power sharing between the Khartoum government and Garang's southern-based forces. But with the unfortunate news of his death, the possibilities for an end to the bloodshed might well continue to elude our grasp. A Role for Us All In light of the fact that the violence and injustice continues in Sudan, the Canadian government and the international community as a whole must take real and effective steps in order to ensure that human rights are respected in accordance with national laws and international human rights standards. International cooperation to end the atrocities in Sudan is imperative. As Susan Rice stated in a recent Washington Post article, the African states cannot do it alone, despite their desire to do so, due to the lack of robust military capacity. She also notes there may be a general sense of scepticism among African leaders about an international role involving the West, in light of all-to-frequent scandals in Iraq, Afghanistan and Guantanamo, as well as some fear of antagonizing the Sudanese government by inviting Western powers. However, some African diplomats, such as Senegal’s Foreign Minister, Cheikh Tidiane Gaido, disagree that Africa alone can end the suffering in Darfur. Correcting US Secretary of State’s suggestion that a humanitarian disaster had been avoided, Gaido stated “those militias, they’re still very active… killing people, burning villages, raping women”. Declaring the situation in Darfur “totally unacceptable” he believed “the UN Security Council, the European Union, the African Union (AU), the United States – we should all come together in a new way of dealing with the suffering of the people of Darfur… We have to do something”. A Possible Strategy The International Crisis Group (ICG) has made a number of recommendations recently on the role of the international community. Our present response is wholly inadequate. More courageous thinking is needed by the AU, NATO, the EU, the UN, the US, and Canada. The present AU force is limited in its ability to protect civilians and humanitarian operations through its limited size, capacity and resources, and its political constraints. If we are truly serious about saving lives in Sudan, the ICG puts forward the following recommendations: · The AU’s mandate must be strengthened to enable it to take all necessary measures to end the genocide. · The consensus for a doubling of AU troops to just below 8,000 by September is not nearly strong enough – at least 12,000 to 15,000 troops are needed – now! · We must provide strong international support immediately – for instance in force preparation, deployment, sustainment, intelligence, command and control, communications, and tactical mobility. · Develop a Bridging Force Option. If the AU force cannot immediately meet their objectives, NATO would provide the force and keep it in place until the African Union can perform the mission on its own. · Lastly, the Security Council ban on offensive military flights should be strictly enforced. But whatever the international and regional political nuances, or organizational mechanics and resources, or logistics, or any other number of unpersuasive excuses – no one can deny that we all have a responsibility to protect. Genocide is not simply a regional or domestic issue. As Rice rightly notes, “A government that commits or condones [genocide] is not on par with one that, say, jails dissidents, squanders economic resources or suppresses free speech, as dreadful as such policies may be. Genocide makes a claim on the entire world and it should be a call to action”. -30- |
|
