The Human Right to
Peace in the Middle East
Address
By Hon. David Kilgour, M.P.
Edmonton-Mill Woods-Beaumont
Opening Ceremony for the MacEwan Model UN Assembly
Conference Theatre, Downtown Campus,
Grant MacEwan College, Edmonton
February 19th, 2005
The theme of this session is certainly
timely; Monday’s horrific murder of former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri
was a huge blow to security and stability in the region. Mr. Hariri was a beacon
of hope, good will and moderation in the Middle East.
The attack—regardless of
whether it was Syrian revenge, purported internal score-settling, a protest
against democratisation in the Arab world or whatever else—was clearly intended
to undermine positive, peaceful developments in Lebanon and to destabilise the
wider region. Mr.Hariri
paid with his life trying to promote unity, independence and
development; his courage and demonstration of reconciliation and hope deserves
world-wide respect and recognition.
There are deep ties between Canada and Lebanon; there are over 300, 000
Canadians of Lebanese origin and over 40, 000 Canadians that reside in Lebanon
currently. This relationship, and the one we have with so many other countries
in the Middle East because of their strong communities here in Canada, is
important domestically and internationally. For that reason, Mr. Hariri’s death
should act as a call for Canada, and Canadian civil society groups, to become
even more engaged in promoting peaceful solutions in the region as a whole.
Rights-Based Approach to Development and Security
To start the year in the House of Commons Subcommittee on
Human Rights and International Development, we decided to explore new approaches
to development and security that are based on the acknowledgement and commitment
to enforcing basic, internationally-recognized human rights.
With presentations from the Canadian Council for International
Cooperation, Rights and Democracy and World Vision, we established a framework
for addressing the case-studies to follow; human rights and democracy in
Zimbabwe and internal conflict and development in Colombia, among others.
Kathy Vandergrift of
World Vision elaborated on what a rights-based approach to development could
look like. She rightly questioned why human rights charters are not incorporated
into development plans, and she encouraged the linking of rights with
responsibilities, using that as a basis to assess current development
programs, trade relations and Canadian foreign policy in general.
For the most part, her
examples related to development and the consequences of unfair trade on
developing countries, but that same theory—that Canadian foreign policy should
be linked to our commitment to human rights—can also be used to measure and
direct our policy in conflict resolution and peacekeeping.
Palestine and Israel
Last December, I met with a group of women from Kairos Canadian
Ecumenical Justice Initiatives, an education and advocacy group that focuses on
supporting the participation of women in peace building efforts at all levels.
Amneh Badran, the Director of the Jerusalem Centre for Women,
gave an impassioned account of the brutal reality that civilians face in
Jerusalem, and the need for more Canadian initiatives towards peace in Israel
and Palestine. She made the following statement;
“When addressing the Palestinian -
Israeli conflict we need to link respect for human rights to reaching a just
political solution. The “two states” vision can't be achieved without a full end
to Israeli military occupation. Until that is achieved, the fourth Geneva
Convention should be respected… and the international community has a critical
role to play. The deterioration of the human rights situation in the Occupied
Palestinian Territories is due to different measures, among them; land
confiscation, demolition of houses, and a long list of legalized discriminatory
policies practiced against Palestinian Jerusalemites (ID card confiscation, high
taxes and poor social services). These, in addition to the building of the wall,
are creating and sustaining the ongoing lack of development.
Of particular
concern to Ms. Badran, and many others, is the building of the wall. In her
words, “The wall will swallow half of the land of the West Bank—the most fertile
land. It will enforce Israel's control of the water of the West Bank. The wall
also strengthens the fragmentation of the Palestinian land and people. I believe
it is important to recognize the decision of the International Court of Justice
on the illegitimacy of the Wall and its impacts.”
Ms. Badran asked for
Canada’s support in reviving the peace process. She made the disturbing point
that although the current government in Ottawa denies any shift in policy
against Palestine, there is in fact a clear change.
Giving countless examples
of the way in which civil society groups are losing their voices and rights, she
urges the Canadian government to incorporate human rights into the peace process
and asks that women and civil society groups be brought into the process.
One such organisation is
the Israeli Committee Against House Demolition, a non-violent group of Israeli
peace and human rights organisations that work closely with local Palestinian
organizations. It was originally established to oppose the demolition of
Palestinian houses in the Occupied Territories, but has since expanded
resistance activities to protest other policies of destruction and violence.
Their goal—a just
and sustainable peace—is articulated in the following statement;
“As Israelis, we
believe that the only chance for a genuine peace is one that enables the
Palestinians to establish what we have, a viable and truly sovereign state of
their own. A just peace will also provide all the peoples of our region with the
security, dignity, freedom and economic opportunities they deserve. The future
may witness the emergence of a regional confederation enhancing the viability of
each of our societies to cope with a global reality.”
Clearly, in many conflict
situations around the world, be it the Middle East, in Sudan, or in Colombia,
there needs to be much greater involvement and dialogue with civil society
groups. A focus on existing social organizations and support networks is clearly
lacking in the way in which we address peacekeeping, conflict resolution and
development around the world.
Canada’s Role
Canadian efforts to
promote peace in the Middle East date back to Lester B. Pearson’s Nobel
Prize-winning effort to stabilise the Egyptian-Israeli border in the Sinai after
the Suez Canal Crisis of 1956.
I think most people would
argue that Canada has for the most part in the past tried to be a more
impartial, fair and honest broker in the conflict and we have aimed to be a
stabilising force in what is one of the most highly politicized and ongoing
conflicts in the world. This balanced approach has to be maintained.
Last fall, I met with a
group of community leaders here in Edmonton who are deeply troubled by what they
see as a “moving away from a balanced approach towards the Middle East in favour
of exploitative and virtually unqualified support in Israel.” Some members of
the group had met earlier with Prime Minister Martin, who evidently indicated
that he was facing “enormous pressure” in caucus to shift away from our
country’s traditional even-handed approach to the region. Canada abstaining on
the UN General Assembly motion criticizing Israel’s security wall is one such
example of this.
Still, Canada’s
commitment to and recognition of the fact that there is no military solution
to the Israeli-Palestinian confrontation and that only a negotiated agreement
will end the conflict is to be commended and reinforced.
Having said that, I think
we can do more. First, we have to respect international law and support the
Geneva Accord.
In an effort to raise
awareness and support for the Accord, Rabbi Michael Lerner and Tikkun Magazine
(A bimonthly Jewish and Interfaith critique of politics, culture, and society)
draw attention to the key elements of the Geneva Accord between Israel and
Palestine, which includes;
"Recognizing that peace requires the transition from the logic of war and
confrontation to the logic of peace and cooperation, and that acts
and words characteristic of the state of war are neither appropriate
nor acceptable in the era of peace;”
"Affirming their deep belief that the logic of peace requires compromise, and
that the only viable solution is a two-state solution based on
UNSC Resolution 242 and 338;”
"Affirming that this agreement marks the recognition of the right of the
Jewish people to statehood and the
recognition of the right of the Palestinian people to statehood;”
Canada should thus
articulate a clear opposition to the Jewish settlements in the Occupied
Palestinian Territories, which are illegal under the Geneva Convention and based
on Resolutions 242 and 338, Canada should press for the end of the Israeli
Occupation of the West Bank and Gaza.
Canada should join the
majority of the world’s nations in declaring the wall being built in the West
Bank to be illegal and an obstacle to peace. We should also oppose other
violations of the Geneva Convention, including house demolitions, targeted
assassinations, terrorism and illegal arrests.
Most important of all, we
have to increase support for both Israeli and Palestinian civil society groups
that commit themselves to building both democratic Palestinian and
Israeli societies and states alongside one other, based on a common goal of
respect for human rights and commitment to a sustainable future.
A Glimmer of Hope
In light of last week’s
mutual ceasefire declaration by Israeli and Palestinian leaders, there are clear
signs of hope;
▪
Israel's defense ministry ordered an end to the policy of
demolishing the houses of Palestinian suicide bombers and their
families.
▪
Israel's Knesset approved a compensation plan for settlers who leave Gaza in
order to pave the way for the government's disengagement plan.
▪ From
recent accounts, Israel appears willing to give Palestinian leader
Mahmoud Abbas some leeway in curbing attacks on Israelis. A spokesperson
from the Foreign Ministry of Israel said that Mr. Abbas is seen as a “partner
in peace.”
These are all important steps towards a
return to the international peace plan—the roadmap—and they
provide a moment of hope in the Middle East.
But the moment must be seized, so as not to pass like so many others have before
it.
A number of troubling concerns and
unanswered questions linger, threatening to mar these glimmers of hope. Among
them;
▪
Can Mahmoud Abbas control the militias?
▪ How long will
Israel show patience in scaling back its military operations in Palestinian
territories?
▪ Is Israel using its withdrawal in Gaza as a way of
strengthening its hold on the more populated areas of the occupied West Bank?
AND
▪How will the
bombing in Lebanon effect stability in the area—will Israel be drawn into
a new conflict with Lebanon?
Looking at the Future
These questions only
scratch at the surface of doubt in what remains a long walk to peace—a
destination that will only be reached when both sides recognize a need for
repentance for past deeds that were hurtful and oppressive. A commitment to
forgiveness, tolerance and more honest and open communication is essential.
I look forward to hearing
your contributions in this session. In particular, your perspectives as
students, in recognition of the fact that the real hope for peace in the Middle
East, or anywhere else on this planet, lies in education and meaningful
dialogue, and raising the generations to come to find solutions to the conflicts
they have inherited.
To end on a note of
finding hope in reconciliation, I’d like to leave you with two quotes;
The first, from a
journalist in Jerusalem, who asks that, “Everyday Israelis and Palestinians must
find a way to regain the ethical high ground…We must search high and low
for a way to regain our humanity and our sensitivity.”
The second, by Nima
Shirali of the Middle Eastern Reconciliation Forum, who so eloquently said, “Let
us become inspired by inherent beauty, and not impassioned by manufactured
hate.”
Thank you.
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