China’s economic prosperity is impressive, especially when one considers the double digit economic growth it has achieved since the early 1990s. Since 1978 the size of China’s economy has more than quadrupled and, at $7 trillion, is now the second largest economy in the world behind that of the United States at $11.75 trillion.

 

Over the same period, China has also gone from an impoverished low income country to middle income economic giant. However beneath the veneer of China’s economic miracle lie some very unpleasant truths. While it is true that China has experienced phenomenal economic growth, it has come at an extremely high price and its benefits have been very unevenly distributed. The prosperity that is now being experienced by the richest 10% percent represents 45% of the nation’s wealth while the bottom 10% in China represent just 1.4%.

 

Essentially, it has been the millions of peasant laborers forced to migrate to the cities for economic survival and to work long hours in unsafe conditions that have industrialized China. Yet they have not shared in the fruits of their labor. This growing income disparity casts serious doubt upon the sustainability of China’s economic performance as it is essentially a pyramid scheme that relies on the exploitation of millions who are helping to build prosperity but not sharing in it. If the fundamental rights of Chinese workers were respected the country’s current economic structure would be completely unfeasible. Without the exertion of strict controls over the population by the state apparatus, it would be impossible for China to have made the kind of political and economic decisions it has made, which have prized economic growth as an end in itself and sacrificed all other considerations.

 

Unlike earlier incarnations of the Communist party which had more community improvement tendencies and thus appealed broadly to workers and peasantry alike, the current incarnation only appeals to specific segments of society that represent a small portion of the population. This seriously jeopardizes the long term prospects of the regime because its support today comes from only four sections of society: the bureaucracy, the military, the security forces, and the rapidly growing but still small middle-class. It is largely these are the groups that have benefited as China has grown more prosperous and would have the most to lose in the event that it disintegrated politically.

 

 

 China at a Crossroads

 

 

This has now brought China to a perilous crossroads whereby, according to officials at its own ministry of labor and social security, it is now in the “yellow light” zone, the second most serious indicator of social instability and will find itself in a “red light” situation by 2010 without drastic measures to equalize wealth distribution. Another indicator of China’s growing instability is the rising number of protests and displays of social disobedience, which grew from 30,000 in 2003 to 74,000 in 2004. The protestors are displaying their increasing dissatisfaction with high pollution, evictions and land seizures that benefit property developers and government officials, government corruption and the poor working conditions and low wages Chinese workers are subjected to.

 

The regime will only be able to maintain power through increasingly harsh displays of force. Already Chinese authorities have begun setting up special riot squads to deal with protesters which the regime has branded as “terrorists” and “enemies of stability”. However, as we saw with the demise of South Africa’s apartheid government, despite its increasing use of force, it was eventually unable to maintain power in the face of increased resistance.

 

It is the absence of the voices of the people that has brought China to its present predicament. There are presently no checks or balances against the authority of the state, people have been denied the means by which to express themselves. In a democratic system people can freely associate and form groups to voice their opinions and also have recourse to electoral, legislative and judicial institutions. The availability of these options acts as a pressure valve which relieves societal tensions and grievances and maintains a degree of synchronicity between the actions of government and the will of the people which prevents societal disintegration. In China’s case the absence of such mechanisms is allowing grievances to accumulate and allowing the leadership to move in directions that are not necessarily in accord with the wishes and needs of the people generally. The continued existence of this fundamental disconnect between the pursuit of what the regime sees as good and what the people see as good will eventually come to a point where a majority will feel so dissatisfied that there might well be a societal explosion much as we saw in Indonesia in 1998.

 

Without the creation of an open and democratic space in Chinese society all the economic gains China has achieved could be erased as it finds itself in the throes of a great societal upheaval. Therefore the issue of human rights cannot be treated as separate from those of trade and economics. The whole impetus behind economic development and the driving force behind China’s industrialization has been the eradication of poverty and the creation of greater possibilities for its people. It is the hope of China’s poor that its rapid economic growth will provide for a better future that has maintained the legitimacy of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). Should it continue resist reformation and continue ignoring individual rights, property rights and civil rights the economic and social costs will eventually slow economic growth and call into even greater question the CCP’s legitimacy as social tensions increase.

 

A narrow focus on issues of trade and economics where China is concerned is therefore not in the best long term interests of Canadians. It is a short-sighted approach that ignores the fact that if Chinese society were to begin to unravel then all economic opportunities for Canada in China would disappear. Furthermore, such an event could negatively affect the Canadian economy and would definitely impact the world economy. Given the increasingly unstable nature of China’s socioeconomic structure, it is in the best interest of Canadians to dialogue with the leadership of China and urge it to make the kinds of reforms that are necessary for sustainable prosperity.

 

Constructive Engagement or Tacit Acceptance?

 

Some observers insist that strengthening economic ties and increased trade alone will over time encourage the Chinese government to respect for human rights. They point to China’s high economic growth rate, with part of its population already benefiting from this growth. However it is clear that this growth has done little to alleviate the human rights situation in China and that it is partly due to the disregard of human rights that China’s economic success has been possible. No reasonable observer could argue that there has been a positive correlation between economic growth and human rights. Just last week, Carole Channer, a specialist on China for Amnesty International Canada, commented that human rights abuses in China have worsened in the last six months as persecution of Muslims has increased and greater restrictions have been placed on freedom of expression. The policy of enlarging economic ties with China, a policy of engagement, operates under the assumption that marketization and democracy must go hand in hand. Sadly this has not proven to be the case and the conduct of trade with China has proved to be more of a tacit acceptance of its stance on human rights than anything else. Given that China has been allowed to enjoy the benefits of participating in the global economy without adhering to international standards of law, there is no pressure on it to mend its ways.

 

If we look more closely at contemporary Chinese history, we see that exactly how disregard for human rights concerns has propped up China’s economy. The government still relies on prison labor, lacks independent trade unions, and suffers under the deeply engrained corruption of the non-elected CCP which has been in office since 1949. The gap between rich and poor in China has actually grown since the rural-led revolution which brought the CCP to power.  Most of those outside coastal cities have seen very little of the economic growth benefits. About 900 million nationals in China are subsistence farmers, who now make about 63 cents per day; another 200 or so million are unemployed.

 

Spy Networks

 

In recent weeks, it emerged yet again that there are Chinese spies active in Canada. A security official who defected from China, Guangsheng Han, said that Beijing cultivates informants across Canada to gather economic intelligence. In June, a former Chinese police officer, Hao Fengjun, defected in Australia with documents claiming that China has a network of more than 1,000 spies. These assertions have also emerged in the recent defection of yet another Chinese diplomat, Chen Yonglin, who was recently granted asylum in Australia, as well as from Michel Juneau-Katsuya, the former chief of the CSIS Asia Pacific Desk of the Requirements, Analysis and Production Branch (RAP).

 

This news should surprise no one. “Operation Sidewinder”, a joint study by the RCMP and CSIS, concluded several years ago there were then about 3,500 Chinese agents operating across North America. There have been reports of Chinese tourists and business people spying on industrial sites and firms, for instance high-tech companies. An equally unacceptable development is the indicated interference by Chinese officials with the activities of the peaceful and perfectly legal Falun Gong members at various points across Canada.

 

Religion

 

The world can learn much from the 5,000 year-old Chinese civilization; in turn the benefits freedom of religion bring for the long term social well-being of any nation is an area Chinese policy makers should study. For example, research indicates that Canadians who attend weekly religious services lead happier, less stressful lives than others. Many Chinese immigrants who arrive in Canada become active members of religious organizations soon after they arrive. For instance, a Chinese Baptist church in Scarborough (Toronto) has a membership of about 14,000 and an annual budget of $2.5 million. The numerous religious communities we have in this country contribute much to the well-being of Canadians generally. Allowing for freedom of religion and the expression of one’s beliefs peacefully encourages people to become active members of communities. This is especially important in the political and religious climate across the world at the beginning of the 21^st century.

 

The government claims to ensure religious freedom and freedom of expression as guaranteed by Article 36 of the PRC Constitution.  Many faith communities in fact continue to suffer discrimination. The persecution of Muslims has been stepped up under the claim that the government is trying to keep Islamic fundamentalists from gaining a foothold in China. No one under 18 is allowed to practise any religion. Those who wish to attend Catholic churches must attend state-sanctioned churches, the bishop of which pledges loyalty to Beijing alone. The campaign against the Falun Gong has spilled over into persecution of unregistered Catholic churches, temples and mosques. In one south-eastern province alone, in November of 2000, authorities confiscated or destroyed up to 3,000 unregistered church buildings and Buddhist shrines. Religious persecution is widespread.  A Google search on persecution of Christians, Buddhists, Muslims, Uyghurs or the Falun Gong in China will turn up tens of thousands of links.

 

There are credible reports that a campaign is currently underway of persecution of members of unregistered Christian house churches across China. The official suppression of religion makes use of welfare reduction, arbitrary fines and imprisonment, the latter of which can lead to intensive interrogation and physical abuse. Such methods are used against those who are found to be “believing in a religion,” “engaging in an illegal religious gathering,” or even “attending a religious black hole,” Try to purchase a Bible or Koran in any book store across China.

 

Why repression of religion? There is a felt need by the leadership in Beijing for loyalty to the party and state alone; religious activity is perceived as a threat to the power and authority of the CCP. This is especially true as a result of the relationship between pro-democracy movements and underground churches, as well as possible influences from elsewhere making their way into China through faith communities. Religions which are not state-sanctioned are often portrayed as part of separatist movements – such as Buddhists in Tibet, or Muslim Uyghurs in Xinjiang. This is despite the fact that Buddhism and Islam are state-sanctioned religions in China.

 

The government has justified repression of the Uyghur community through the global ‘war on terror.’ No distinction is made by government authorities between passive resistance and acts of violence; this policy has resulted in counter-terrorist measures. Peaceful Uyghurs have been charged with ‘separatist’ or ‘terrorist’ offences. Some have been sentenced to death for their so-called crimes, mosques have been closed, traditional holidays can no longer be observed, and Uyghur education, language and freedom of expression are severely controlled.

 

Any group with the ability to mobilize large numbers of people, based on a decentralized network, especially if they are seen to have some sort of moral authority over the Chinese government, poses a threat to the CCP’s power, authority and legitimacy. The most visible of these communities is the Falun Gong.

 

What to Do?

 

Undoubtedly China is assuming a position of prominence in the world and this will continue.  As its influence grows, China must be cognizant of the responsibility that comes with leadership.  Why not demonstrate leadership in the areas of governance and human rights to be a respected member of the global community?  As China’s markets and regions open, following its accession to the WTO, it will face new pressures. Taken in the context of “Jie Gui,” – making connections - these pressures will have a less destabilizing effect if China were to connect better to internationally accepted values and norms.

 

What can Canada do? Such abuses cannot be accepted by the international community. China is a member of the WTO; it continues to hold a veto in the United Nations Security Council. It