Canada is accepting easy defeat in Sudan

David Kilgour, MP Edmonton Mill Woods - Beaumont

Globe & Mail, May 18, 2005

Opinion, A21

The federal government's uncritical acceptance of Sudan's rejection of a Canadian plan to dispatch peacekeepers/advisers to Darfur illustrates one of two troubling things. Either the government is ignorant of the fact -- or wishes to deny -- that the military dictatorship in Sudan is complicit with the atrocities taking place in Darfur, or Prime Minister Paul Martin's commitments to Darfur were knee-jerk reactions, inspired by the current political crisis in Canada.

Anyone following Sudan over the years could have foreseen that Khartoum would immediately reject the idea of international soldiers. But that is not a reason to stop demanding action. The African Union has its limitations and priorities. It may use the rhetoric that "Darfur is an Africa-only problem," but many, including many Africans around the world, have been outspoken in rejecting this argument, choosing basic human rights over regional solidarity.

Sadly, the AU's limited actions, its failure to ask for a change in mandate to protect civilians, and the deployment of barely half of its troops continue to demonstrate to the Sudanese government that no one will call Khartoum to justice for the crimes it has sponsored in Darfur. In fact, Sudan is getting similar signals from around the world.

The United States played right into the hands of Sudan's dictators by initially declaring that the situation in Darfur constituted genocide, then refusing to stand by and confirm the statement. Washington has made it very clear that its relationship with China is far more important than the many thousands of dead civilians in Africa.

As for Canada, Khartoum earlier observed Mr. Martin making a friendly visit and failing to acknowledge the regime's long-standing involvement with the marauding militias known as janjaweed . The Sudanese also see a rash response from Ottawa, made on the verge of a no-confidence vote, and a quick acceptance that Canadian troops would not be welcome.

Most of all, perhaps, the Sudanese regime reads the language of the United Nations, which seems increasingly reluctant to make the connection between the janjaweed and the government in Khartoum, despite the fact that the UN's own reports have documented this link for more than two years. The UN appears to believe the situation has "been contained." Its own reports, those of aid organizations, and certainly Canadian Justin Laku's dramatic account of his visit to three camps in Darfur two weeks ago, describe a very different reality.

These actions -- or inaction -- from the international community spell out political weakness to Khartoum, and it is no wonder that Sudan no longer even tries to pretend that it is trying to stop the crisis it created and financed.

There are a number of steps Canada could take to apply pressure on Sudan, to demonstrate that we will not be deterred by the demands of a government linked to crimes against humanity, and to strengthen our relationship with the AU mission. For example, we could deploy Canadian personnel to nearby Addis Ababa in a logistical and administrative capacity, as an effective way to maintain support and pave the way for greater involvement.

It's not imperialism, as some have suggested; it's the kind of action we've committed ourselves to with the concept of "responsibility to protect." R2P is premised on the fact that a country complicit with, or unwilling to stop, crimes against humanity is going to reject outside intervention, but we have the responsibility to not accept that rejection and to act to protect the innocent civilians.

No one questioned whether the West should've done more to stop the genocide in Rwanda. While civilians in Bosnia and Kosovo were suffering, Canada did not insist on a "European solution" -- we sent troops.

Crimes against humanity are international crimes and warrant an international response.

David Kilgour, the independent MP for Edmonton-Mill Woods-Beaumont, is a former secretary of state for Africa. Research assistant Magdalene Creskey contributed to this article.

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