QUESTION: Thank you, Mr. President. You've said in the past that
waterboarding, in your opinion, is torture. Torture is a violation of
international law and the Geneva Conventions. Do you believe that the
previous administration sanctioned torture?
OBAMA: What I've said -- and I will repeat -- is that waterboarding
violates our ideals and our values. I do believe that it is torture. I
don't think that's just my opinion; that's the opinion of many who've
examined the topic. And that's why I put an end to these practices.
I am absolutely convinced it was the right thing to do, not because
there might not have been information that was yielded by these
various detainees who were subjected to this treatment, but because we
could have gotten this information in other ways, in ways that were
consistent with our values, in ways that were consistent with who we
are.
I was struck by an article that I was reading the other day talking
about the fact that the British during World War II, when London was
being bombed to smithereens, had 200 or so detainees. And Churchill
said, "We don't torture," when the entire British -- all of the
British people were being subjected to unimaginable risk and threat.
And then the reason was that Churchill understood, you start taking
short-cuts, over time, that corrodes what's -- what's best in a
people. It corrodes the character of a country.
And -- and so I strongly believed that the steps that we've taken to
prevent these kinds of enhanced interrogation techniques will make us
stronger over the long term and make us safer over the long term
because it will put us in a -- in a position where we can still get
information.
In some cases, it may be harder, but part of what makes us, I think,
still a beacon to the world is that we are willing to hold true to our
ideals even when it's hard, not just when it's easy.
At the same time, it takes away a critical recruitment tool that Al
Qaida and other terrorist organizations have used to try to demonize
the United States and justify the killing of civilians.
And it makes us -- it puts us in a much stronger position to work with
our allies in the kind of international, coordinated intelligence
activity that can shut down these networks.
So this is a decision that I'm very comfortable with. And I think the
American people over time will recognize that it is better for us to
stick to who we are, even when we're taking on an unscrupulous enemy.
OK?
QUESTION: (OFF-MIKE)
OBAMA: I'm sorry?
QUESTION: (OFF-MIKE) sanctioned torture?
OBAMA: I believe that waterboarding was torture. And I think that the
-- whatever legal rationales were used, it was a mistake.
OBAMA: Mark Knoller?
QUESTION: Thank you, sir. Let me follow up, if I may, on Jake's
question. Did you read the documents recently referred to by former
Vice President Cheney and others saying that the use of so-called
"enhanced interrogation techniques" not only protected the nation but
saved lives?
And if part of the United States were under imminent threat, could you
envision yourself ever authorizing the use of those enhanced
interrogation techniques?
OBAMA: I have read the documents. Now they have not been officially
declassified and released. And so I don't want to go to the details of
them. But here's what I can tell you, that the public reports and the
public justifications for these techniques, which is that we got
information from these individuals that were subjected to these
techniques, doesn't answer the core question.
Which is, could we have gotten that same information without resorting
to these techniques? And it doesn't answer the broader question, are
we safer as a consequence of having used these techniques?
So when I made the decision to release these memos and when I made the
decision to bar these practices, this was based on consultation with
my entire national security team, and based on my understanding that
ultimately I will be judged as commander-in-chief on how safe I'm
keeping the American people.
That's the responsibility I wake up with and it's the responsibility I
go to sleep with. And so I will do whatever is required to keep the
American people safe. But I am absolutely convinced that the best way
I can do that is to make sure that we are not taking short cuts that
undermine who we are.
And there have been no circumstances during the course of this first
100 days in which I have seen information that would make me second
guess the decision that I have made. OK?
ever,
Bill
AND HERE IS THE full transcript of Obama's third press conference on
April 29, 2009:
OBAMA: Please, be seated. Before we begin tonight, I just want to
provide everyone with a few brief updates on some of the challenges
we're dealing with right now.
First, we are continuing to closely monitor the emergency cases of the
H1N1 flu virus throughout the United States. As I said this morning,
this is obviously a very serious situation, and every American should
know that their entire government is taking the utmost precautions and
preparations.
Our public health officials have recommended that schools with
confirmed or suspected cases of this flu strongly consider temporarily
closing. And if more schools are forced to close, we've recommended
that both parents and businesses think about contingency plans if
their children do have to stay home.
I've requested an immediate $1.5 billion in emergency funding from
Congress to support our ability to monitor and track this virus and to
build our supply of antiviral drugs and other equipment. And we will
also ensure that those materials get to where they need to be as
quickly as possible.
And, finally, I've asked every American to take the same steps you
would take to prevent any other flu: keep your hands washed; cover
your mouth when you cough; stay home from work if you're sick; and
keep your children home from school if they're sick.
We'll continue to provide regular updates to the American people as we
receive more information. And everyone should rest assured that this
government is prepared to do whatever it takes to control the impact
of this virus.
The second thing I'd like to mention is how gratified I am that the
House and the Senate passed a budget resolution today that will serve
as an economic blueprint for this nation's future.
I especially want to thank Leader Reid, Speaker Pelosi, all of the
members of Congress who worked so quickly and effectively to make this
blueprint a reality.
This budget builds on the steps we've taken over the last 100 days to
move this economy from recession to recovery and ultimately to
prosperity.
We began by passing a recovery act that has already saved or created
over 150,000 jobs and provided a tax cut to 95 percent of all working
families. We passed a law to provide and protect health insurance for
11 million American children whose parents work full time. And we
launched a housing plan that has already contributed to a spike in the
number of homeowners who are refinancing their mortgages, which is the
equivalent of another tax cut.
But, even as we clear away the wreckage of this recession, I've also
said that we can't go back to an economy that's built on a pile of
sand, on inflated home prices and maxed-out credit cards, on
overleveraged banks and outdated regulations that allow recklessness
of a few to threaten the prosperity of all.
We have to lay a new foundation for growth, a foundation that will
strengthen our economy and help us compete in the 21st century. And
that's exactly what this budget begins to do.
It contains new investments in education that will equip our workers
with the right skills and training, new investments in renewable
energy that will create millions of jobs and new industries, new
investments in health care that will cut costs for families and
businesses, and new savings that will bring down our deficit.
I also campaigned on the promise that I would change the direction of
our nation's foreign policy. And we've begun to do that, as well.
We've begun to end the war in Iraq, and we forged with our NATO allies
a new strategy to target Al Qaida in Afghanistan and Pakistan.
OBAMA: We have rejected the false choice between our security and our
ideals by closing the detention center at Guantanamo Bay and banning
torture without exception.
And we've renewed our diplomatic efforts to deal with challenges
ranging from the global economic crisis to the spread of nuclear
weapons.
So I think we're off to a good start, but it's just a start. I'm proud
of what we've achieved, but I'm not content. I'm pleased with our
progress, but I'm not satisfied.
Millions of Americans are still without jobs and homes, and more will
be lost before this recession is over. Credit is still not flowing
nearly as freely as it should. Countless families and communities
touched by our auto industry still face tough times ahead. Our
projected long-term deficits are still too high, and government is
still not as efficient as it needs to be.
We still confront threats ranging from terrorism to nuclear
proliferation, as well as pandemic flu. And all this means you can
expect an unrelenting, unyielding effort from this administration to
strengthen our prosperity and our security in the second hundred days,
in the third hundred days, and all of the days after that.
You can expect us to work on health care reform that will bring down
costs while maintaining quality, as well as energy legislation that
will spark a clean-energy revolution. I expect to sign legislation by
the end of this year that sets new rules of the road for Wall Street,
rules that reward drive and innovation, as opposed to short-cuts and
abuse.
And we will also work to pass legislation that protects credit card
users from unfair rate hikes and abusive fees and penalties. We'll
continue scouring the federal budget for savings and target more
programs for elimination. And we will continue to pursue procurement
reform that will greatly reduce the no-bid contracts that have wasted
so many taxpayer dollars.
So we have a lot of work left to do. It's work that will take time,
and it will take effort. But the United States of America, I believe,
will see a better day.
We will rebuild a stronger nation, and we will endure as a beacon for
all of those weary travelers beyond our shores who still dream that
there's a place where all of this is possible. I want to thank the
American people for their support and their patience during these
trying times, and I look forward to working with you in the next
hundred days, in the hundred days after that, all of the hundreds of
days to follow to make sure that this country is what it can be.
And with that, I will start taking some questions.
And I'll start with you, Jennifer.
QUESTION: Thank you, Mr. President. With the flu outbreak spreading
and worsening, can you talk about whether you think it's time to close
the border with Mexico and whether -- under what conditions you might
consider quarantining, when that might be appropriate?
OBAMA: Well, first of all, as I said, this is a cause for deep
concern, but not panic. And I think that we have to make sure that we
recognize that how we respond intelligently, systematically, based on
science and what public health officials have to say, will determine
in large part what happens.
I've consulted with our public health officials extensively on a
day-to-day basis, in some cases an hour-to-hour basis. At this point,
they have not recommended a border closing. From their perspective, it
would be akin to closing the barn door after the horses are out,
because we already have cases here in the United States.
We have ramped up screening efforts, as well as made sure that
additional supplies are there on the border so that we can prepare in
the eventuality that we have to do more than we're doing currently.
But the most important thing right now that public health officials
have indicated is that we treat this the same way that we would treat
other flu outbreaks, just understanding that, because this is a new
strain, we don't yet know how it will respond.
So we have to take additional precautions, essentially, take out some
additional insurance. Now, that's why I asked for an additional $1.5
billion, so that we can make sure that everything is in place should a
worst-case scenario play out.
I do want to compliment Democrats and Republicans who worked
diligently back in 2005 when the bird flu came up. I was part of a
group of legislators who worked with the Bush administration to make
sure that we had beefed up our infrastructure and our stockpiles of
antiviral drugs, like Tamiflu.
OBAMA: And I think the Bush administration did a good job of creating
the infrastructure so that we can respond. For example, we've got 50
million courses of anti-viral drugs in the event that they're needed.
So, the government is going to be doing everything that we can. We're
coordinating closely with state and local officials. Secretary
Napolitano at the Department of Homeland Security, newly installed
Secretary Sebelius of Health and Human Services, our acting CDC
director, they are all on the phone on a daily basis with all public
health officials across the states to coordinate and make sure that
there's timely reporting, that if -- as new cases come up, that we're
able to track them effectively, that we're allocating resources so
that they're in place.
The key now I think is to make sure that we're maintaining great
vigilance, that everybody responds appropriately when cases do come
up, and individual families start taking very sensible precautions
that -- can make a huge difference.
So wash your hands when you shake hands. Cover your mouth when you
cough. I know it sounds trivial, but it makes a huge difference. If
you are sick, stay home. If your child is sick, keep them out of
school.
To -- if you are feeling certain flu symptoms, don't get on an
airplane, don't get on a -- any system of public transportation where
you're confined and you could potentially spread the virus.
So those are the steps that I think we need to take right now. But
understand that because this is a new strain, we have to be cautious.
If this was a strain that we were familiar with, then we might have to
-- then I think we wouldn't see the kind of alert levels that we're
seeing, for example, with the World Health Organization. OK?
Deb Price of Detroit News. Where's Deb?
Good to see you.
QUESTION: Thank you, Mr. President.
On the domestic auto industry, have you determined that bankruptcy is
the only option to restructure Chrysler? And do you believe that the
deep cuts in plant closings that were outlined this week by General
Motors are sufficient? OBAMA: Let me speak to Chrysler first because
the clock is ticking on Chrysler coming up with a plan. I am actually
very hopeful, more hopeful than I was 30 days ago, that we can see a
resolution that maintains a viable Chrysler auto company out there.
What we've seen is the unions have made enormous sacrifices on top of
sacrifices that they had previously made. You've now seen the major
debt holders come up with a set of potential concessions that they can
live with.
All of that promises the possibility that you can get a Fiat- Chrysler
merger and that you have an ongoing concern. The details have not yet
been finalized, so I don't know to jump the gun. But I am feeling more
optimistic than I was about the possibilities of that getting done.
With respect to GM, we're going to have another 30 days. They're still
in the process of presenting us with their plans. But I've always said
that GM has a lot of good product there and if they can get through
these difficult times, and engage in some of the very difficult
choices that they've already made, that they can emerge a strong,
competitive, viable company.
And that's my goal in this whole process. I would love to get the U.S.
government out of the auto business as quickly as possible. We have a
circumstance in which a bad recession compounded some great weaknesses
already in the auto industry.
And it was my obligation and continues to be my obligation to make
sure that any taxpayer dollars that are in place to support the auto
industry are aimed not at short-term fixes that continue these
companies as wards of the state, but rather institutes the kind of
restructuring that allows them to be strongly competitive in the
future. I think we're moving in that direction.
Last point, you asked about Chrysler bankruptcy. It was the prudent
and appropriate thing for Chrysler to do to engage in the filings that
they -- that received some notice a while back because they had to
prepare for possible contingencies.
It's not clear that they're going to have to use it. The fact that the
major debt-holders appear ready to make concessions means that, even
if they ended up having to go through some sort of bankruptcy, it
would be a very quick type of bankruptcy and they could continue
operating and emerge on the other side in a much stronger position.
So my goal is to make sure that we've got a strong, viable,
competitive auto industry. I think some tough choices are being made.
There's no denying that there's significant hardship involved,
particularly for the workers and the families in these communities.
And we're going to be coming behind whatever plan is in place to make
sure that the federal government is providing as much assistance as we
have to ensure that people are landing back on their feet, even as we
strengthen these core businesses. Jake? Where's Jake? There he is.
QUESTION: Thank you, Mr. President. You've said in the past that
waterboarding, in your opinion, is torture. Torture is a violation of
international law and the Geneva Conventions. Do you believe that the
previous administration sanctioned torture?
OBAMA: What I've said -- and I will repeat -- is that waterboarding
violates our ideals and our values. I do believe that it is torture. I
don't think that's just my opinion; that's the opinion of many who've
examined the topic. And that's why I put an end to these practices.
I am absolutely convinced it was the right thing to do, not because
there might not have been information that was yielded by these
various detainees who were subjected to this treatment, but because we
could have gotten this information in other ways, in ways that were
consistent with our values, in ways that were consistent with who we
are.
I was struck by an article that I was reading the other day talking
about the fact that the British during World War II, when London was
being bombed to smithereens, had 200 or so detainees. And Churchill
said, "We don't torture," when the entire British -- all of the
British people were being subjected to unimaginable risk and threat.
And then the reason was that Churchill understood, you start taking
short-cuts, over time, that corrodes what's -- what's best in a
people. It corrodes the character of a country.
And -- and so I strongly believed that the steps that we've taken to
prevent these kinds of enhanced interrogation techniques will make us
stronger over the long term and make us safer over the long term
because it will put us in a -- in a position where we can still get
information.
In some cases, it may be harder, but part of what makes us, I think,
still a beacon to the world is that we are willing to hold true to our
ideals even when it's hard, not just when it's easy.
At the same time, it takes away a critical recruitment tool that Al
Qaida and other terrorist organizations have used to try to demonize
the United States and justify the killing of civilians.
And it makes us -- it puts us in a much stronger position to work with
our allies in the kind of international, coordinated intelligence
activity that can shut down these networks.
So this is a decision that I'm very comfortable with. And I think the
American people over time will recognize that it is better for us to
stick to who we are, even when we're taking on an unscrupulous enemy.
OK?
QUESTION: (OFF-MIKE)
OBAMA: I'm sorry?
QUESTION: (OFF-MIKE) sanctioned torture?
OBAMA: I believe that waterboarding was torture. And I think that the
-- whatever legal rationales were used, it was a mistake.
OBAMA: Mark Knoller?
QUESTION: Thank you, sir. Let me follow up, if I may, on Jake's
question. Did you read the documents recently referred to by former
Vice President Cheney and others saying that the use of so-called
"enhanced interrogation techniques" not only protected the nation but
saved lives?
And if part of the United States were under imminent threat, could you
envision yourself ever authorizing the use of those enhanced
interrogation techniques?
OBAMA: I have read the documents. Now they have not been officially
declassified and released. And so I don't want to go to the details of
them. But here's what I can tell you, that the public reports and the
public justifications for these techniques, which is that we got
information from these individuals that were subjected to these
techniques, doesn't answer the core question.
Which is, could we have gotten that same information without resorting
to these techniques? And it doesn't answer the broader question, are
we safer as a consequence of having used these techniques?
So when I made the decision to release these memos and when I made the
decision to bar these practices, this was based on consultation with
my entire national security team, and based on my understanding that
ultimately I will be judged as commander-in-chief on how safe I'm
keeping the American people.
That's the responsibility I wake up with and it's the responsibility I
go to sleep with. And so I will do whatever is required to keep the
American people safe. But I am absolutely convinced that the best way
I can do that is to make sure that we are not taking short cuts that
undermine who we are.
And there have been no circumstances during the course of this first
100 days in which I have seen information that would make me second
guess the decision that I have made. OK?
Chuck Todd.
QUESTION: Thank you, Mr. President. I want to move to Pakistan.
Pakistan appears to be at war with the Taliban inside their own
country. Can you reassure the American people that if necessary
America could secure Pakistan's nuclear arsenal and keep it from
getting into the Taliban's hands or, worst case scenario, even al
Qaeda's hands?
OBAMA: I'm confident that we can make sure that Pakistan's nuclear
arsenal is secure. Primarily, initially, because the Pakistani army, I
think, recognizes the hazards of those weapons falling into the wrong
hands. We've got strong military-to-military consultation and
cooperation.
I am gravely concerned about the situation in Pakistan, not because I
think that they're immediately going to be overrun and the Taliban
would take over in Pakistan. I'm more concerned that the civilian
government there right now is very fragile and don't seem to have the
capacity to deliver basic services: schools, health care, rule of law,
a judicial system that works for the majority of the people.
And so as a consequence, it is very difficult for them to gain the
support and the loyalty of their people. So we need to help Pakistan
help Pakistanis. And I think that there's a recognition increasingly
on the part of both the civilian government there and the army that
that is their biggest weakness.
On the military side, you're starting to see some recognition just in
the last few days that the obsession with India as the mortal threat
to Pakistan has been misguided, and that their biggest threat right
now comes internally. And you're starting to see the Pakistani
military take much more seriously the armed threat from militant
extremists.
We want to continue to encourage Pakistan to move in that direction.
And we will provide them all of the cooperation that we can. We want
to respect their sovereignty, but we also recognize that we have huge
strategic interests, huge national security interests in making sure
that Pakistan is stable and that you don't end up having a
nuclear-armed militant state.
QUESTION: But in a worst-case scenario...
OBAMA: I'm not going to engage in...
QUESTION: (OFF-MIKE) military could secure this nuclear...
OBAMA: I'm not going to engage in -- in hypotheticals of that sort. I
feel confident that that nuclear arsenal will remain out of militant
hands.
OK, Jeff Mason?
QUESTION: Thank you, Mr. President. One of the biggest changes you've
made in the first 100 days regarding foreign policy has had to do with
Iraq. But do the large-scale -- there's large-scale violence there
right now. Does that affect the U.S.'s strategy at all for withdrawal?
And could it affect the timetable that you've set out for troops?
OBAMA: Well, first of all, I think it's important to note that,
although you've seen some spectacular bombings in Iraq that are a -- a
legitimate cause of concern, civilian deaths, incidents of bombings,
et cetera, remain very low relative to what was going on last year,
for example.
And so you haven't seen the kinds of huge spikes that you were seeing
for a time. The political system is holding and functioning in Iraq.
Part of the reason why I called for a gradual withdrawal as opposed to
a precipitous one was precisely because more work needs to be done on
the political side to further isolate whatever remnants of Al Qaida in
Iraq still exists.
And I'm very confident that, with our commander on the ground, General
Odierno, with Chris Hill, our new ambassador, having been approved and
already getting his team in place, that they are going to be able to
work effectively with the Maliki government to create the conditions
for an ultimate transfer after the national elections.
But there's some -- some serious work to do on making sure that how
they divvy up oil revenues is ultimately settled, what the provincial
powers are and boundaries, the relationship between the Kurds and the
central government, the relationship between the Shia and the Kurds.
Are they incorporating effectively Sunnis, Sons of Iraq, into the
structure of the armed forces in a way that's equitable and just?
Those are all issues that have not been settled the way they need to
be settled. And what we've done is, we've provided sufficient time for
them to get that work done, but we've got to keep the pressure up, not
just on the military side, but on the diplomatic and development
sides, as well.
Chip Reid?
QUESTION: Thank you, Mr. President. On Senator Specter's switch to the
Democratic Party, you said you were thrilled; I guess nobody should be
surprised about that.
But how big a deal is this, really? Some Republicans say it is huge.
They believe it's a game-changer. They say that, if you get the 60
votes in the Senate, that you will be able to ride roughshod over any
opposition and that we're on the verge of, as one Republican put it,
"one-party rule."
Do you see it that way? And, also, what do you think his switch says
about the state of the Republican Party?
OBAMA: Well, first of all, I think very highly of Arlen Specter . I
think he's got a record of legislative accomplishment that is as good
as any member of the Senate.
And I think he's always had a strong independent streak. I think that
was true when he was a Republican; I think that will be true when he's
a Democrat.
He was very blunt in saying I couldn't count on him to march lockstep
on every single issue. And so he's going to still have strong
opinions, as many Democrats in the Senate do.
I've been there. It turns out, all the senators have very strong
opinions. And I don't think that's going to change.
I do think that having Arlen Specter in the Democratic caucus will
liberate him to cooperate on critical issues, like health care, like
infrastructure and job creation, areas where his inclinations were to
work with us, but he was feeling pressure not to.
And I think the vote on the recovery act was a classic example.
Ultimately, he thought that was the right thing to do. And he was
fiercely berated within his own party at the time for having taken
what I consider to be a very sensible step. So -- so I think it's,
overall, positive.
OBAMA: Now, I am under no illusions that suddenly I'm going to have a
rubber-stamp Senate. I've got Democrats who don't agree with me on
everything, and that's how it should be.
Congress is a co-equal branch of government. Every senator who's
there, whether I agree with them or disagree with them, I think truly
believes that they are doing their absolute best to represent their
constituencies.
And we've got regional differences, and we've got some parts of the
country that are affected differently by certain policies. And those
have to be respected, and there's going to have to be compromise and
give-and-take on all of these issues.
I do think that, to my Republican friends, I want them to realize that
me reaching out to them has been genuine. I can't sort of define
bipartisanship as simply being willing to accept certain theories of
theirs that we tried for eight years and didn't work and the American
people voted to change.
But there are a whole host of areas where we can work together. And
I've said this to people like Mitch McConnell . I said, look, on
health care reform, you may not agree with me that I -- we should have
a public plan. That may be philosophically just too much for you to
swallow.
On the other hand, there are some areas like reducing the costs of
medical malpractice insurance where you do agree with me. If I'm
taking some of your ideas and giving you credit for good ideas, the
fact that you didn't get 100 percent can't be a reason every single
time to oppose my position.
And if that is how bipartisanship is defined, a situation in which
basically, wherever there are philosophical differences, I have to
simply go along with ideas that have been rejected by the American
people in a historic election, you know, we're probably not going to
make progress.
If, on the other hand, the definition is that we're open to each
other's ideas, there are going to be differences, the majority will
probably be determinative when it comes to resolving just hard, core
differences that we can't resolve, but there is a whole host of other
areas where we can work together, then I think we can make progress.
QUESTION: Is the Republican Party in the desperate straits that Arlen
Specter seems to think it is? OBAMA: You know, politics in America
changes very quick. And I'm a big believer that things are never as
good as they seem and never as bad as they seem.
You're talking to a guy who was 30 points down in the polls during a
-- a primary in Iowa. So -- so I never -- I don't believe in crystal
balls.
I do think that our administration has taken some steps that have
restored confidence in the American people that we're moving in the
right direction and that simply opposing our approach on every front
is probably not a good political strategy.
Ed Henry?
QUESTION: Thank you, Mr. President. In a couple of weeks, you're going
to be giving the commencement at Notre Dame. And, as you know, this
has caused a lot of controversy among Catholics who are opposed to
your position on abortion.
As a candidate, you vowed that one of the very things you wanted to do
was sign the Freedom of Choice Act, which, as you know, would
eliminate federal, state and local restrictions on abortion. And at
one point in the campaign when asked about abortion and life, you said
that it was above -- quote, "above my pay grade."
Now that you've been president for 100 days, obviously, your pay grade
is a little higher than when you were a senator.
(LAUGHTER)
Do you still hope that Congress quickly sends you the Freedom of
Choice Act so you can sign it?
OBAMA: You know, the -- my view on -- on abortion, I think, has been
very consistent. I think abortion is a moral issue and an ethical
issue.
I think that those who are pro-choice make a mistake when they -- if
they suggest -- and I don't want to create straw men here, but I think
there are some who suggest that this is simply an issue about women's
freedom and that there's no other considerations. I think, look, this
is an issue that people have to wrestle with and families and
individual women have to wrestle with.
OBAMA: The reason I'm pro-choice is because I don't think women take
that -- that position casually. I think that they struggle with these
decisions each and every day. And I think they are in a better
position to make these decisions ultimately than members of Congress
or a president of the United States, in consultation with their
families, with their doctors, with their doctors, with their clergy.
So -- so that has been my consistent position. The other thing that I
said consistently during the campaign is I would like to reduce the
number of unwanted presidencies that result in women feeling compelled
to get an abortion, or at least considering getting an abortion,
particularly if we can reduce the number of teen pregnancies, which
has started to spike up again.